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Trudeau clinging like a ‘low-key autocrat’: Jeremy Nuttall

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7 minute read

By Jeremy Nuttall

Is Canada looking like a developing nation with a corruption problem and a soft authoritarian regime?

This isn’t normal. Not even close. Even the most eccentric of Prime Ministers in any other commonwealth country would likely be licking their wounds in Ibiza by now, watching the chaos unfold from a safe distance.

Not this Prime Minister. True to form as the head of a micromanaging Prime Minister’s Office, he couldn’t bring himself to step aside. In fact, he still hasn’t.

Trudeau’s stubbornness edges dangerously close to the behavior of a low-key autocrat. He was nowhere to be seen for days as he shrugged off demands to “get lost in the snow.”

Imagine a country with a leader so deeply unpopular within his own party that members, mostly speaking anonymously out of fear, pressured him for months to step down—only for him to deflect with vague promises of “reflection” whenever the pressure mounted.

Imagine that happening against the background of the leader refusing to release documents as ordered by Parliament, at the same time the political landscape is embroiled in a foreign interference scandal. Meanwhile, food bank usage has surged, and concerns over soaring housing costs continue to grow.

Then, after a top minister leaves and drives a stake through his government, that leader circles his most loyal comrades in a bid to fend off the resignation even more before finally admitting defeat.

But even then, after the admission, said leader is still in charge and only promising to resign fully once his successor is chosen, then stopping the work of government at one of the most crucial times in recent history to give himself and his party time to get their affairs in order.

If you had that explained to you without knowing it was Canada, would you think it was a western parliamentary democracy being described, or a developing nation with a corruption problem and a soft authoritarian regime?

Democracies aren’t meant to prioritize the personal interests of government members over the country’s welfare. Yet that’s exactly what Trudeau did by requesting the prorogation of Parliament, giving his Liberals time to strategize for their own political survival.

Meanwhile, for the first few months of a new U.S. administration threatening major tariffs, Canada will be limited in its ability to address whatever happens in the House. With so much at stake, this move seems almost vindictive to a Canadian public who are now rejecting Liberal leadership.

Governor General Mary Simon’s decision to allow this—and the time she took to consider it—deserves scrutiny. The public is owed an explanation.

The Liberal Party’s troubles are not the Canadian public’s troubles, but in proroguing Parliament to deal with them, the Liberals have made them such.

Trudeau’s plan for the country is incoherent, his ministers suddenly have a lot of family obligations, and even columnists who curiously supported him for years too long are now calling for his exit.

Additionally, with him waiting until the Liberals are at their most unpopular ever, the Conservatives—set to win in a landslide no matter what—can control the narrative of the election and claim to have won on any mandate they see fit. The public could be left out of the conversation.

When tallied up, it’s all so awful.

In reality, however abnormal this is, it’s the natural course of where Canadians have allowed their country to end up.

Years of not really getting that upset about anything or realizing that the government and what it does matters are starting to show the real harms a country can be haunted by when it shrugs off the chipping away of its democratic norms by shallow and venal political operatives.

As pressure mounted on Trudeau to resign, his own MPs sheepishly asked for him to step down, an illustration that the PMO holds far too much power over caucus. One was left wondering if a breaking point would happen and MPs would make a grand gesture on behalf of Canadians.

Such a climax never arrived. My incredibly small kingdom for a handful of Liberal MPs with cojones.

The really sad part is, so far, it seems Liberal MPs missed a chance to turn the tide and more forcefully oust Trudeau from the leadership role by any means necessary, even if it meant voting against their own party.

They could have sent a message that democracy is a cumulative effort, not the whims of one person, then followed it up with reasonable changes to party policy to allow for the removal of a leader should such circumstances occur again.

What this has done is set a new low bar. The next power-crazed PMO will have this one as a blueprint to disregard the public and its welfare before pushing the limit even further.

The only bar lower at this point would be if Trudeau goes back on his promise to resign. Yes, it’s a long shot, but considering this guy’s track record of keeping promises—right up there with an absentee father in a daytime drama—I’ll really believe he’s gone when he’s gone.

This is a moment Canadians really need to examine and question if the way their government has been operating is working for them. If it isn’t, a movement for change must spring up.

Dignity, tradition, integrity, the common good—all of these principles risk becoming meaningless unless Canadians begin to take them seriously.

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Economy

Governments across Canada should prioritize energy infrastructure—including pipelines

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill and Elmira Aliakbari

In a recent meeting with Prime Minister Mark Carney, the provincial premiers discussed major infrastructure and energy projects to be fast-tracked through a new federal approval process. While the general sentiment was that the meeting was productive and collaborative, the British Columbia government seemingly shot down Alberta’s proposed pipeline to B.C.’s northern coast. This political resistance to new pipeline infrastructure overlooks the positive potential impact such projects could have for Canada and beyond.

Prime Minister Carney plans to table legislation that would create a new major projects office tasked with reducing approval times from five to two years, among other measures. Major projects must meet numerous criteria before deemed in the “national interest” and expedited. The premiers have compiled a short-list of projects for consideration though the full list has not been publicly released.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s proposed pipeline would transfer bitumen to the Port of Prince Rupert in B.C., which would open up access to Asian markets. B.C. Deputy Premier Niki Sharma, who attended the recent meeting in place of B.C. Premier David Eby, said the proposal has “no proponent” at this stage and that her government plans to focus on “shovel-ready projects.”

And it isn’t just the Eby government resisting the project—Steven Guilbeault, a member of Carney’s cabinet, recently dismissed the need for additional pipeline infrastructure, including to B.C.’s coast, based on incorrect information about the Trans Mountain pipeline’s capacity and future oil demand.

Again, this political resistance ignores key facts about Canada’s energy sector, including our current overreliance on a single customer. Currently, 97 per cent of our oil exports go to the United States. This heavy reliance on the U.S. market has made Canada vulnerable to U.S. policy changes, as highlighted by the recent threat of tariffs on Canadian energy. Expanding pipeline infrastructure—both westward, as proposed by Premier Smith, and eastward—would help us diversify our export market and allow Canada to reach customers in Asia and Europe.

And pipeline expansion is not just about exports; it’s also about enhancing energy security at home. Some parts of our country, namely Ontario and Quebec, remain heavily dependent on U.S. pipelines to meet their energy needs. Specifically, due to the lack of an west-east pipeline dedicated to oil, for more than 70 years Canadian oil extracted in Alberta has passed through the U.S. via Enbridge’s network before returning to Ontario.

Finally, this discussion shouldn’t be limited to oil. There is and will continue to be strong demand for liquefied natural gas (LNG) in many parts of the world, including in Asia, for many years to come, which presents Canada with a significant opportunity to become a major LNG exporter and provide cleaner-burning fuel to countries such as China and India. However, building the necessary infrastructure (pipelines and LNG terminals) is critical if we’re serious about seizing this opportunity.

Governments across Canada should support critical energy infrastructure, including pipelines. This means putting politics aside and recognizing the importance of infrastructure in expanding export opportunities, ensuring energy security, reducing global emissions and creating prosperity across the country.

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

Elmira Aliakbari

Director, Natural Resource Studies, Fraser Institute
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COVID-19

A COVID-19 day of reckoning is long overdue

Published on

This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By  Perry Kinkaide

Our youth are facing mental health struggles, disrupted education, and stunted social development due to Canada’s failed pandemic policies

The evidence is irrefutable: Canada’s response to COVID-19 betrayed its youth. Policies like school closures, social isolation and activity restrictions, meant to protect, ended up stunting the social, emotional and educational development of an entire generation.

While many adults navigated the pandemic with relative ease, Canadian youth, biologically the least vulnerable, suffered disproportionately. The damage is still unfolding, leaving lasting effects on their mental health, education and social development.

Young Canadians are now bearing the psychological and social scars of these misguided policies. Mental health struggles surged, with anxiety, depression and social isolation peaking in the years following the onset of the pandemic.

Research from the Québec Resilience Project confirms this, showing that mental health challenges among adolescents have remained high, even after restrictions were finally lifted. These struggles were not caused by the virus itself, but by the policies meant to protect them.

The impact is stark when compared to other countries. In nations like Sweden, Finland and Norway, where schools remained open, youth experienced far less disruption. They were able to maintain social connections, mental stability and routines—key to preserving their development during the pandemic.

By contrast, Canadian youth endured some of the longest school closures, with Ontario shutting down schools for over 26 weeks, more than double the global average. Canada’s extended school closures and social isolation were a profound misjudgment, failing to prioritize youth well-being.

While many youth were harmed, some were able to adapt and overcome the impact. Some, particularly those with strong family support, resilient routines and access to digital learning tools, adapted remarkably. Resilience, however, is not just an individual trait; it reflects the support systems in place. Those with resources to maintain normalcy were better able to recover, while those without such support were left behind.

The crisis has shown that the challenges facing youth are far more complex than originally thought. A generation is now grappling with emotional disengagement, academic delays and difficulties forming meaningful relationships. These issues will have long-term consequences, affecting not only their personal lives but also the broader Canadian economy.

We must recognize the full impact of these setbacks, especially regarding education and workforce readiness. The mental and social toll of these
disruptions will be felt for years to come.

This failure was not just the result of reactive public health policies; it was a failure of a system that de-prioritized youth needs. Young people were treated as threats to public health rather than as citizens with developmental needs. Adult focused activities, such as retail and liquor stores, remained open, while schools, sports and social activities—essential for youth development—were shut down.

This policy overreach wasn’t just avoidable; it was a betrayal of the next generation.

Now, as we emerge from this crisis, Canada faces a crucial choice: ignore the long-term consequences or confront the painful reality of how we failed our youth. The damage is not just a public health issue—it’s a societal one, impacting the mental and emotional well-being of an entire generation. Canada owes its youth more than apologies. It owes them a future free from the mistakes of the past.

Governments, educators, mental health systems and communities must step up—not just with lip service, but with meaningful action. We must rebuild the systems that support youth development, ensuring that this generation is not defined by the failed policies that stunted their growth.

The clock is ticking, and the question is no longer “What happened to our youth?” It’s “What are we doing to ensure this never happens again?”

Dr. Perry Kinkaide is a visionary leader and change agent. Since retiring in 2001, he has served as an advisor and director for various organizations and founded the Alberta Council of Technologies Society in 2005. Previously, he held leadership roles at KPMG Consulting and the Alberta Government. He holds a BA from Colgate University and an MSc and PhD in Brain Research from the University of Alberta

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country

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