Indigenous
There are no Indian Residential School denialists, so why criminalize them?

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Rodney A. Clifton, professor emeritus at the University of Manitoba and a senior fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. (He was a former Senior Boysā Supervisor in Stringer Hall, the Anglican residence in Inuvik.)
” both sides agree that Indian Residential Schools existed, and that some children were harmed. But they disagree on the evidence needed to prove whether children were murdered and buried unceremoniously in residential schoolyards. “
In a recent Canadian Press story, Kimberly Murray, the governmentās special interlocutor on unmarked graves of missing Indigenous children from residential schools, is reported asĀ saying: āWe could ā¦ make it an offense to incite hate and promote hate against Indigenous people by ā¦ denying that residential (schools) happened or downplaying what happened in the institutions.ā Not surprisingly, the Liberal government ofĀ Prime Minister Justin TrudeauĀ is sympathetic to the special interlocutorās call to action.
Ms. Murray says that Indigenous leaders across the country support her call for legislation. The Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs (AMC), for example, asked the Justice Minister, Arif Virani, to amend the criminal code to criminalize denialism. AMC Grand Chief Cathy MerrickĀ saidĀ that enacting such a law would provide āan opportunity for Canada to demonstrate an honest commitment to reconciliationā¦. to deny the existence of these institutions is a form of violence.ā
The focus on missing and murdered Indigenous children at residential schools became a national disgrace at the end of May 2021 when the Kamloops First Nation announced that stories from Knowledge Keepers and evidence from ground-penetrating radar (GPR) had ādiscoveredā the graves of 215 children in the schoolyard of the Kamloops Indian Residential School.
Since that announcement, first nations across the country have discovered many more āgraves,ā also relying on Knowledge Keepers stories and GPR evidence. But so far, no bodies of IRS students have been exhumed from the schoolyards, even though the Chief TRC Commissioner, Justice Murry Sinclair,Ā toldĀ CBC Radio host Matt Galloway a couple of years ago that as many as 15,000 to 25,000 Indian Residential School students are missing.
Surprisingly, these claims are not included in theĀ Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)Ā Report. In fact, only one story of a murdered child is reported in the TRC Report, and it is the unverified story told by Doris Young about seeing a childās murder at the Anglican Elkhorn Indian Residential School in Manitoba. The Commission reported this alleged murder but did not investigate the claim. Indeed, the Commission spent $60 million over six years and did notĀ reportĀ any evidence, other than the Doris Youngās claim, of the murder of Indigenous children at residential schools.
What does this mean for criminalizing denialism?
There are at least three problems with potential legislation to criminalize denialism. First, Canada already has legislation on hate speech, and so new legislation isĀ unnecessary.
Second, the definition of ādenialism,ā as reported above, is so vague that it would be almost impossible to convict anyone.
Finally, and most importantly, from what can be gathered from both Ms. MurrayāsĀ interim reportĀ and recent news items, practically no Canadians deny that Indian Residential Schools existed or that some children were harmed at those schools.
What Canadians seem to disagree on is the evidence that is needed to prove that IRS students were murdered, and their bodies were unceremoniously buried in unmarked graves in residential schoolyards.
On Ms. Murrayās side, supportersā reason that āhear-sayā evidence from Indigenous Knowledge Keepers and shadows on GPR screens are adequate to prove the claim. On the other side, the so-called ādeniersā reason that forensic evidence from exhumed bodies is needed.
So, both sides agree that Indian Residential Schools existed, and that some children were harmed. But they disagree on the evidence needed to prove whether children were murdered and buried unceremoniously in residential schoolyards.
The Canadian law enforcement and justice system is the proper agency for an impartial investigation of this claim, and if evidence is obtained, to criminally charge those Indigenous and non-Indigenous IRS employees responsible and to report their names and crimes if they are deceased.
Surely Canadians would support such an impartial investigation leading to possible criminal charges. Till that happens, there is no reason to demonize the so-called ādeniersā by those who disagree with the evidence they think is necessary to answer this important question. Without an independent investigation along with a public report, Canada cannot reach a fair and just reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians.
Indeed, many people are wondering why such a rigorous, systematic, investigation has not yet been conducted. It is the time to settle this issue so that both sidesāindeed all Canadiansācan move on from being pitted against each other over an issue that can be easily resolved with an independent investigation by competent justice officials.
Rodney A. CliftonĀ is a is a professor emeritus at the University of Manitoba and a senior fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He lived for four months in Old Sun, the Anglican Residential School on the Blackfoot (Siksika) First Nation, and was the Senior Boysā Supervisor in Stringer Hall, the Anglican residence in Inuvik. Rodney Clifton and Mard DeWolf are the editors ofĀ From Truth Comes Reconciliation: An Assessment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission ReportĀ (Frontier Centre for Public Policy, 2021). A second and expanded edition of this book will be published in 2024.
Canadian Energy Centre
Saskatchewan Indigenous leaders urging need for access to natural gas

Piapot First Nation near Regina, Saskatchewan. Photo courtesy Piapot First Nation/Facebook
From the Canadian Energy Centre
By Cody Ciona and Deborah Jaremko
āCome to my nation and see how my people are living, and the struggles that they have day to day out here because of the high cost of energy, of electric heat and propane.ā
Indigenous communities across Canada need access to natural gas to reduce energy poverty, says aĀ new reportĀ by Energy for a Secure Future (ESF).
Itās a serious issue that needs to be addressed, say Indigenous community and business leaders in Saskatchewan.
āWeāre here today to implore upon the federal government that we need the installation of natural gas and access to natural gas so that we can have safe and reliable service,ā said Guy Lonechild, CEO of the Regina-based First Nations Power Authority, on a March 11Ā ESF webinar.
Last year, 20 Saskatchewan communities moved aĀ resolutionĀ at the Assembly of First Nationsā annual general assembly calling on the federal government to āimmediately enhanceā First Nations financial supports for āmore desirable energy security measures such as natural gas for home heating.ā
āWeāve been calling it heat poverty because thatās what it really isā¦our families are finding that they have to either choose between buying groceries or heating their home,ā Chief Christine Longjohn of Sturgeon Lake First Nation said in the ESF report.
āWe should be able to live comfortably within our homes. We want to be just like every other homeowner that has that choice to be able to use natural gas.ā
At least 333 First Nations communities across Canada are not connected to natural gas utilities,Ā according toĀ the Canada Energy Regulator (CER).
ESF says that while there are many federal programs that help cover the upfront costs of accessing electricity, primarily from renewable sources, there are no comparable ones to support natural gas access.
āMost Canadian and Indigenous communities support actions to address climate change. However, the policy priority of reducing fossil fuel use has had unintended consequences,ā the ESF report said.
āRecent funding support has been directed not at improving reliability or affordability of the energy, but rather at sustainability.ā
Natural gas costs less than half ā or even a quarter ā of electricity prices in Alberta, British Columbia, Ontario, Manitoba and Saskatchewan,Ā according toĀ CER data.
āNatural gas is something NRCan [Natural Resources Canada] will not fund. Itās not considered a renewable for them,ā said Chief Mark Fox of the Piapot First Nation, located about 50 kilometres northeast of Regina.
āCome to my nation and see how my people are living, and the struggles that they have day to day out here because of the high cost of energy, of electric heat and propane.ā
According to ESF, some Indigenous communities compare the challenge of natural gas access to the multiyear effort to raise awareness and, ultimately funding, to address poor water quality and access on reserve.
āNatural gas is the new water,ā Lonechild said.
Economy
CANADA MUST REVIVE A āPIPELINE WESTā ā Indigenous Ownership and Investment in Energy Projects are Critical to Canadaās Oil Customer Diversification

From EnergyNow.Ca
Interesting events renewed discussions around pipeline projects when Alberta Premier, Daniel Smith made social media comments on Jan 21.2025 that Canada should have more nation-building projects and revive Northern Gateway.
It inspired an immediateĀ commentĀ from the President of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs,Ā Grand Chief Stewart Phillip expressing interest in reviving the project.Ā āIf we donāt build that kind of infrastructure, Trump will,ā Phillip said. āAnd there wonāt be any consideration for the environment, for the rule of lawā¦ I think we can do better.ā
The next day, Chief PhillipĀ retractedĀ the comment leaving questions about the 180-degree pivot.
Some proponents of Indigenous development, like Calvin Helin, a member of the Tsimshian Nation and Principal atĀ INDsight Advisers, a lawyer who specializes in commercial and Indigenous law and best-selling author, thought the event raised questions about influence.
āEnvironmental groups have infiltrated some Indigenous organizations,ā Helin said in an interview. āThey managed to support a government that championed their agendas, particularly agendas involving Alberta ā objectives like the coastal pipeline ban and changes to the regulatory approval system. In this era of Trump, all theyāve managed to do is to weaken Canadaās position.ā
Helin stressed that in 2025, the energy industry clearly understands the mandate to deal seriously with Indigenous interests, with Indigenous leaders coming forward to support natural resource development while respecting the environment. Ā He suggested that Indigenous inclusion and recognition at the outset isĀ essential for energy projects in 2025 and beyond.
Back in 2018-2019, Helin proposed theĀ Eagle Spirit CorridorĀ a $50 -billionĀ First NationsĀ majority-owned Canadian four pipeline corridor after theĀ Northern Gateway PipelineĀ was under consideration.
Helin had consulted early with Indigenous groups and proposed a robust natural resource corridor from Bruderheim, AB to Grassy Point, BC. The project involved the support of 32 First Nations from the outset. A variety of shared services were proposed to make the corridor more economical than a pipeline. Helin expected the project would create tens of thousands of jobs over the long term, as well as generate tax revenue and royalties, but it was killed by the federal governmentāsĀ Bill C-48Ā tanker ban which stopped companies from using terminals along BCās north coast to ship oil. The project was ultimately abandoned.
TheĀ Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project for a twinĀ pipelineĀ fromĀ Bruderheim, AB, toĀ Kitimat, BC, was also stopped by Bill C-48. Both Eagle Spirit and Northern Gateway chose the north BC coast for transportation to Asian markets for the deeper waters that could accommodate larger-capacity crudeĀ oil tankers.
The routes of the Eagle Spirit and Northern Gateway pipelines/corridors are quite similar with Eagle Spiritās route extending a bit farther north in the final leg, as in the maps below.
Recent threats of tariffs on Canadian imports made by U.S. President Trump have stimulated calls to revive pipeline projects to tidewater, including Northern Gateway.
In direct reference to Northern Gateway, EnbridgeĀ CEO Greg Ebel hasĀ statedĀ to media that Canada would have to designateĀ major pipeline projects as legally required āin the national interestā before companies will consider investing again.
After the cancellation of Northern Gateway, Dale Swampy,the Indigenous leader who helped to establish the Northern Gateway Aboriginal Equity Partners group (AEP), formed the National Coalition of Chiefs(NCC), a group of pro-development First Nation Chiefs who advocate for the development of oil and gas resources in their communities.
Dale Swampy, President of the NCC says it still makes good sense to get a pipeline devoted to bitumen to the West CoastĀ and that Canada has been āputting all its eggs in one basketā for 50 years and has been selling to just one customerĀ while āeverybody else in the oil industry, including the U.S., is getting into the global competitive market.ā
The Canadian Energy CentreĀ reportsĀ that the oil and gas industry is not going into decline over the next decade and in fact, the demand for oil and gas in emerging and developing economies will remain robust through 2050. In light of the multiple effects of U.S. tariffs, Canadian pipelines to tidewater are seen as urgent. Swampy advocates for policy change and the revival of the Northern Gateway project powered by Indigenous equity investment.
āFirst, we have got to get rid of the oil tanker ban (C-48),ā Swampy said. Ā āWeāve got to get more fluid regulatory processes so that we can get projects built in a reasonable timeline so that it doesnāt cost us billions more, waiting for the regular regulatory process to be complete- like TMX. Youāve also got to get the proponents back to the table. We had 31 of the 40 communities already signed on last time. I believe that we can get them signed on again.ā
He continues to work with industry to develop an Indigenous-led bitumen pipeline project to the west coast. āWe can get this project built if itās led by First Nations.ā
He says other Indigenous leaders are starting to realize the benefits of cooperating with natural resource development, whether itās mining or the BC LNG projects that he says are now more widely accepted by First Nations.
Stephen Buffalo, President and CEO of the Indian Resource Council of Canada (IRC) agrees.
āI talk about ripple effects,ā Buffalo said. āWhen Jason Kenney was Premier of Alberta, and the Trans Mountain expansion was a big discussion, he wanted to ensure that First Nations had an opportunity to be some sort of equity owner in projects. With the lack of investment capital, he created the Alberta Indigenous Opportunities Corporation with the province as a government backstop.ā
Buffalo says the IRC has assembled just over $800 million in government backstop for First Nations to participate in projects which found strong proponents. And those projects are related to natural resource development. He acknowledged that some communities ā some of them in BC, donāt see the big picture of what Indigenous Opportunities Corporations can allow them to do.
āYou shouldnāt get in the way of others that really need access to healthcare and education and want to develop their communities. I always tell people, our land base, that we were given under the Indian Act, isnāt changing what our populations are. We need housing, and we need the infrastructure, which includes clean water.ā
He sees the urgent need for First Nations to get out of poverty and alliances to develop natural resources are key.
ā When we landlock our resources, the U.S. economy seems to get better. Now weāre dependent on the U.S. We have to send our oil to the U.S. at a huge discount. Could or should we have Northern Gateway? Absolutely. Should we have Energy East? Absolutely. Weāre importing oil, but we have it at home. Why do we need to import it?ā
Buffalo agreed that project discussions and regulations have huge value, but the slowness of the discussion, including pushback from environmental groups that influence discussions is negatively impacting First Nation development. In the case of regulations likeĀ Bill C-59, the anti-greenwashing bill, Buffalo says it has silenced many of the members of the Indian Resource Council.
āIām just looking after our communities,ā Buffalo says, āthe ones that are never written about, talked about, the ones that donāt have clean water, that donāt have adequate housing, that are lacking education foundations, that are lacking good health care.Ā When government regulatory bodies are making decisions, theyāre making decisions for those people that they donāt ever see or ever talk to.ā
My discussions with Calvin Helin, Stephen Buffalo and Dale Swampy resulted in a few policy suggestions for 2025 and beyond.
- RepealĀ BillĀ C- 69Ā ā It not only blocks all pipelines but stops mines, refineries, export plants and other energy infrastructure that First Nations want to invest in. C-69 is unconstitutional- asĀ ruledĀ on October 13.2023 by Canadaās top court.
- Cut Taxes in Response to U.S. Tariffsā Tax cuts on investment and energy can neutralize the cost of the tariffs with lower taxes and incentivize investment in Canadian projects. Eliminate the Carbon Tax- Carbon tax elimination has been popular with First Nation leaders who haveĀ statedĀ the tax has put us at a strategic disadvantage to other countries.
- RepealĀ Bill C-59,Ā the anti-green-washing bill, which according to Stephen Buffalo has silenced many of the members of the Indian Resource Council andĀ BillĀ C-48Ā ā the Tanker Ban.
- Greenlight LNG Plants and related infrastructureā Canada sells gas exports uniquely to the U.S. There is a strong business case for sales to Asian and European markets. In a recent Canadian Energy VenturesĀ webcastĀ it was revealed that Natural Gas is sold as LNG to Europe at 16X the price Canada sells its gas to the U.S. First Nations are successfully involved in Woodfibre LNG, Cedar LNG andĀ Ksi Lisims LNG in BC.
- Cut Regulatory Delay & Speed Up ApprovalsĀ ā Delay undermines investor confidence that projects can be completed in reasonable timelines.
- Reconciliationā Issue clear guidelines on what constitutes meaningful consultation. Industry can treat Indigenous peoples as partners and continue to advance economic reconciliation, including equity partnerships.
Maureen McCall is an energy professional who writes on issues affecting the energy industry.
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