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The Queen visited Canada more than any other country during her long reign

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By Michael MacDonald in Halifax

It wouldn’t be a stretch to suggest the Queen held a special place in her heart for Canada.

As an ardent world traveller, she visited this country more than any other during her reign, and she was in the habit of referring to it as home.

If you include overnight visits and aircraft refuelling stops, the Queen visited Canada no less than 31 times since her coronation in June 1952, according to the Canadian Heritage Department.

In second place is Australia with 18 visits, including stopovers, according to the The Royal Family’s official website.

“I think she really developed a warm affection for us,” says Barry MacKenzie,  a spokesman for the Monarchist League of Canada. “She’s done a marvellous job of taking advantage of all of those opportunities to meet Canadians and to develop a taste for life here.”

Here are some highlighfts from her visits:

1. Fall 1951

Royal watchers say the Queen’s close relationship with Canada started even before she acceded to the throne.

On Oct. 8, 1951, Princess Elizabeth arrived at Montréal–Dorval International Airport, where she was met by 15,000 people on the tarmac.

Over the next 33 days, the princess and her husband, Prince Philip, travelled across the country and back again, visiting a total of 60 communities and every province.

She took in hockey games in Montreal and Toronto, made a side trip to Washington, D.C., to visit U.S. President Harry Truman, and square danced at Rideau Hall.

The quiet, 25-year-old princess and the gregarious prince were met by large crowds wherever they went, with some reports suggesting that one million people turned out to see them in Toronto and even more showed up in Montreal.

“It was an incredible feat of stamina,” says MacKenzie, a history instructor at St. Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, N.S.

“People recognized that this young woman was next in line …. And she also had the added bonus of having a husband who was a war hero. They were young. They were beautiful.”

At the end of the tour, in a farewell radio message broadcast from St. John’s, N.L., Princess Elizabeth referred to Canada as her “second home.”

“Wherever we have been throughout the 10 provinces … we have been welcomed with a warmth of heart that has made us feel how truly we belong to Canada.”

2. Fall 1957

The Queen’s first official visit to Canada was a high-profile, four-day tour that included her first ever televised speech, broadcast live from Rideau Hall on Oct. 13, 1957.

The next day, she officially opened a new session of Parliament by reading the speech from the throne in the Senate chamber, with Prince Philip at her side.

It was the first time a reigning monarch opened the Canadian Parliament. The speech was also carried live on television.

3. Summer 1959

The longest royal tour in Canadian history was a gruelling, 45-day marathon that started on June 18, 1959 in eastern Newfoundland.

The highlight of the visit was the official opening of the St. Lawrence Seaway on June 26, when the Queen was joined by U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower aboard the Royal Yacht Britannia at the lift-lock near St. Lambert, Ont.

Five days later, on Canada Day, the Queen delivered a televised address from a sunny veranda at Rideau Hall.

“If I have helped you feel proud of being Canadian, I shall feel well satisfied, because I believe with all conviction that this country can look to a glorious future,” she said.

The Queen and Philip travelled to every province and both territories, logging 24,000 kilometres.

“This is the first time since she became Queen that everyone in Canada had the opportunity to see her,” says MacKenzie. “And it’s the last time that we see one of these huge undertakings.”

The official itinerary included a trip to the Calgary Stampede, where Philip donned a cowboy hat, and numerous stops along the Great Lakes, including a trip to the World’s Fair in Chicago.

On the last leg of their tour, the young couple made an unscheduled stop in eastern New Brunswick to meet the families of fishermen who died on the night of June 20-21 when a hurricane roared over the Northumberland Strait. The brutal storm capsized more than two dozen fishing boats, killing 35 men and boys — most of them from the village of Escuminac.

At Pointe-du-Chêne, N.B.,  the  Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh met with 16 grieving widows and their families on July 29.

Among them was a “tiny grey-haired woman in black, surrounded by 12 of her 18 surviving children,” The Canadian Press reported at the time.

“(She) sat on a Northumberland Strait wharf …. and blinked back the tears as she received a sympathetic smile and kind word from Queen Elizabeth.”

4. Summer 1967 

The Queen and Prince Philip spent six days in Ottawa and Montreal to celebrate Canada’s centennial.

Under bright sunshine on Parliament Hill, 50,000 people watched as the Queen  cut into a gigantic birthday cake decorated with the coat of arms of each province and territory.

And in Montreal, the Queen rode the automated monorail that was part of the Expo 67 international exhibition.

That brief visit was marked by tight security as organizers wanted to avoid what happened in 1964 when the Queen’s visit to Quebec City was marred by waves of police using truncheons to round up separatist protesters who were shouting slogans and singing irreverent songs.

 5. Spring 1982 

A four-day tour of Ottawa culminated in a ceremony on a sleet-soaked Parliament Hill, where the Queen joined Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau to sign the proclamation of the Constitution Act

The act gives the Canadian Parliament the right to amend the constitution without the approval of the British Parliament.

The Act’s passage, marked by royal assent from the Queen on April 17, 1982, signalled the last stage of Canada’s political evolution from colony to fully independent state.

But it did not signal the end of the monarchy in Canada. Far from it. The Queen remained Canada’s head of state and she retained her title as Queen of Canada.

“She wasn’t signing a document and giving us our freedom,” says MacKenzie. “This was the Queen of Canada signing an act that had been passed in her name in the Canadian Parliament …. It was not a declaration of independence.”

6. Summer 2010

On the Queen’s final visit to Canada, she told a crowd in Halifax exactly how she felt about this vast part of her realm.

“It is very good to be home,” she said on June 28 as she started a nine-day tour that would also take her to Ottawa, Winnipeg, Waterloo, Ont., and Toronto.

“My mother once said that this country felt like a home away from home for the Queen of Canada …. I am pleased to report that it still does.”

In Ottawa, she celebrated Canada Day with a crowd of 70,000 on Parliament Hill, where she took a more wistful tone in her speech.

“During my lifetime, I have been witness to this country for more than half its history since Confederation,” she said. “I have watched with enormous admiration how Canada has grown and matured while remaining true to its history, its distinctive character and its values.”

In her book, “A Royal Couple in Canada,” author Allison Lawlor says that on each of the Queen’s many visits to Canada, she “succeeded in gracefully lifting Canadians out of their everyday lives for a few moments.”

“Not only has she witnessed the growth of Canada, but generations of Canadians have watched the progression in her life as she moved from being their beautiful princess on her first visit in 1951, to a young mother raising four children, to a dignified Queen, and … as an elder, worldly stateswoman.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 8, 2022.

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Large-scale energy investments remain a pipe dream

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I view the recent announcements by the Government of Canada as window dressing, and not addressing the fundamental issue which is that projects are drowning in bureaucratic red tape and regulatory overburden. We don’t need them picking winners and losers, a fool’s errand in my opinion, but rather make it easier to do business within Canada and stop the hemorrhaging of Foreign Direct Investment from this country.

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Changes are afoot—reportedly, carve-outs and tweaks to federal regulations that would help attract investment in a new oil pipeline from Alberta. But any private proponent to come out of this deal will presumably be handpicked to advance through the narrow Bill C-5 window, aided by one-off fixes and exemptions.

That approach can only move us so far. It doesn’t address the underlying problem.

Anyone in the investment world will tell you a patchwork of adjustments is nowhere near enough to unlock the large-scale energy investment this country needs. And from that investor’s perspective, the horizon stretches far beyond a single political cycle. Even if this government promises clarity today in the much-anticipated memorandum of understanding (MOU), who knows whether it will be around by the time any major proposal actually moves forward.

With all of the talk of “nation-building” projects, I have often been asked what my thoughts are about what we must see from the federal government.

The energy sector is the file the feds have to get right. It is by far the largest component of Canadian exports, with oil accounting for $147 billion in 2024 (20 percent of all exports), and energy as a whole accounting for $227 billion of exports (30 percent of all exports).

A bar chart sponsored by Transport Canada showing Canada's top 10 traded goods in 2024.

Furthermore, we are home to some of the largest resource reserves in the world, including oil (third-largest in proven reserves) and natural gas (ninth-largest). Canada needs to wholeheartedly embrace that. Natural resource exceptionalism is exactly what Canada is, and we should be proud of it.

One of the most important factors that drives investment is commodity prices. But that is set by market forces.

Beyond that, I have always said that the two most important things one considers before looking at a project are the rule of law and regulatory certainty.

The Liberal government has been obtuse when it comes to whether it will continue the West Coast tanker ban (Bill C-48) or lift it to make way for a pipeline. But nobody will propose a pipeline without the regulatory and legal certainty that they will not be seriously hindered should they propose to build one.

Meanwhile, the proposed emissions cap is something that sets an incredibly negative tone, a sentiment that is the most influential factor in ensuring funds flow. Finally, the Impact Assessment Act, often referred to as the “no more pipelines bill” (Bill C-69), has started to blur the lines between provincial and federal authority.

All three are supposedly on the table for tweaks or carve-outs. But that may not be enough.

It is interesting that Norway—a country that built its wealth on oil and natural gas—has adopted the mantra that as long as oil is a part of the global economy, it will be the last producer standing. It does so while marrying conventional energy with lower-carbon standards. We should be more like Norway.

Rather than constantly speaking down to the sector, the Canadian government should embrace the wealth that this represents and adopt a similar narrative.

The sector isn’t looking for handouts. Rather, it is looking for certainty, and a government proud of the work that they do and is willing to say so to Canada and the rest of the world. Foreign direct investment outflows have been a huge issue for Canada, and one of the bigger drags on our economy.

Almost all of the major project announcements Prime Minister Mark Carney has made to date have been about existing projects, often decades in the making, which are not really “additive” to the economy and are reflective of the regulatory overburden that industry faces en masse.

I have always said governments are about setting the rules of the game, while it is up to businesses to decide whether they wish to participate or to pick up the ball and look elsewhere.

Capital is mobile and will pursue the best risk-adjusted returns it can find. But the flow of capital from our country proves that Canada is viewed as just too risky for investors.

The government’s job is not to try to pick winners and losers. History has shown that governments are horrible at that. Rather, it should create a risk-appropriate environment with stable and capital-attractive rules in place, and then get out of the way and see where the chips fall.

Link to The Hub article: Large-scale energy investments remain a pipe dream

Formerly the head of institutional equity research at FirstEnergy Capital Corp and ATB Capital Markets. I have been involved in the energy sector in either the sell side or corporately for over 25 years

Thanks for reading William’s Substack!

Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.

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Business

New airline compensation rules could threaten regional travel and push up ticket prices

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New passenger compensation rules under review could end up harming passengers as well as the country’s aviation sector by forcing airlines to pay for delays and cancellations beyond their control, warns a new report published this morning by the MEI.

“Air travel in Canada is already unaffordable and inaccessible,” says Gabriel Giguère, senior public policy analyst at the MEI. “New rules that force airlines to cover costs they can’t control would only make a bad situation worse.”

Introduced in 2023 by then-Transport Minister Omar Alghabra, the proposed amendment to the Air Passenger Protection Regulations would make airlines liable for compensation in all cases except those deemed “exceptional.” Under the current rules, compensation applies only when the airline is directly responsible for the disruption.

If adopted, the new framework would require Canadian airlines to pay at least $400 per passenger for any “unexceptional” cancellation or delay exceeding three hours, regardless of fault. Moreover, the definition of “exceptional circumstances” remains vague and incomplete, creating regulatory uncertainty.

“A presumed-guilty approach could upend airline operations,” notes Mr. Giguère. “Reversing the burden of proof introduces another layer of bureaucracy and litigation, which are costs that will inevitably be passed on to consumers.”

The Canadian Transportation Agency estimates that these changes would impose over $512 million in additional costs on the industry over ten years, leading to higher ticket prices and potentially reducing regional air service.

Canadians already pay some of the highest airfares in the world, largely due to government-imposed fees. Passengers directly cover the Air Travellers Security Charge—$9.94 per domestic flight and $34.42 per international flight—and indirectly pay airport rent through Airport Improvement Fees included on every ticket.

In 2024 alone, airport authorities remitted a record $494.8 million in rent to the federal government, $75.6 million more than the previous year and 68 per cent higher than a decade earlier.

“This new regulation risks being the final blow to regional air travel,” warns Mr. Giguère. “Routes connecting smaller communities will be the first to disappear as costs rise and they become less profitable.”

For instance, a three-hour and one minute delay on a Montreal–Saguenay flight with 85 passengers would cost an airline roughly $33,000 in compensation. It would take approximately 61 incident-free return flights to recoup that cost.

Regional air service has already declined by 34 per cent since 2019, and the added burden of this proposed regulation could further reduce connectivity within Canada. It would also hurt Canadian airlines’ competitiveness relative to U.S. carriers operating out of airports just south of the border, whose passengers already enjoy lower fares.

“If the federal government truly wants to make air travel more affordable,” says Mr. Giguère, “it should start by cutting its own excessive fees instead of scapegoating airlines for political gain.”

You can read the Economic Note here.

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The MEI is an independent public policy think tank with offices in Montreal, Ottawa, and Calgary. Through its publications, media appearances, and advisory services to policymakers, the MEI stimulates public policy debate and reforms based on sound economics and entrepreneurship.

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