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The Most Expensive Campaign Promise Ever – Explainer

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This article was submitted by Peter McCaffrey,  President 0f the Alberta Institute

Over the coming weeks, I’ll be analyzing some of the big policy announcements that the major parties in the Alberta election make.

So, today, we’re going to kick things off with a look at an issue that made headlines yesterday – electricity policy.

I know, I can almost see your eyes glaze over through your webcam, but bear with me – this is important!

Last March, Justin Trudeau announced the release of the federal government’s “2030 Emissions Reduction Plan: Canada’s Next Steps for Clean Air and a Strong Economy”.

Who could be opposed to Clean Air and a Strong Economy, right?

The devil, as always, was in the details and, in this case, the details are called the “Clean Electricity Regulations”.

The federal government has been talking for some time about “transitioning” Canada’s entire electricity sector to being “net-zero” (ie: no net carbon emissions) by 2050.

The “Clean Electricity Regulations”, though, are the federal government’s plan to speed up this transition and require the provinces to have net-zero electricity grids by 2035 instead.

Now, for some provinces, that won’t actually be too challenging, as they already generate the vast majority of their electricity from Hydro.

But for Alberta (and Saskatchewan), it will be practically impossible – and insanely expensive.

That hasn’t stopped Rachel Notley and the NDP from promising to follow the federal government’s lead and do it, though.

So, let’s take a deep dive into exactly why this policy could be so harmful to Alberta.

First, in Alberta, about 85% of electricity on the commercial market comes from non-renewable resources.

That means that, in order to achieve net-zero here, we’d have to rebuild almost literally the entirety of our electricity market in the next 12 years.

If that sounds expensive to you – you’d be right!

In July 2020, when the federal government first started floating this idea, the Alberta Electric System Operator (AESO) wrote a report that calculated that transitioning Alberta to a net-zero electricity grid by 2035 would cost $52 billion in additional capital investments and generation operating costs.

Yes, you read that right – $52 billion.

And, to be clear, that $52 billion isn’t the entire price of transitioning to net-zero – that would be much more – the $52 billion is just the extra price of doing it faster, by 2035 instead of 2050!

Next, fast forward to yesterday, and a new report was been released that assesses those direct capital and infrastructure costs calculated by AESO, and works out what the additional indirect economic harm to Alberta would be of being forced to make this rapid transition.

This new report was written by a group called Navius, who are traditionally seen as a left-leaning environmental economic research group, and even they say that the indirect impacts to Alberta’s economy will be enormous – $35 billion – and that’s before they even account for inflation.

So, now, thanks to these two reports, we know exactly what the federal government’s 2035 net-zero electricity grid plan will cost Alberta.

$52 billion in direct costs to upgrade and build infrastructure, plus at least $35 billion in indirect economic costs, for a total of at least $87 billion.

And, as I mentioned before, Rachel Notley and the NDP are fully on board.

They aren’t advertising their support, of course.

Just like with the carbon tax in 2015, they aren’t campaigning on this policy, and they haven’t mentioned it on their website or included it in their campaign material.

But, at a private NDP event last year and in a few occasional tweets, Rachel Notley has confirmed that the NDP is committed to this idea.

And, just like in 2015 with the carbon tax, they’re hoping Albertans won’t notice until after the election.

Let’s be clear, though – a policy of implementing a net-zero electricity grid by 2035 makes the carbon tax look like a bargain by comparison.

The carbon tax costs Albertans about $2 billion.

Don’t get me wrong, that’s a huge amount of money.

But $87 billion (or more) over just 12 years is more than $7 billion a year.

I really worry that people don’t understand just how much money we’re talking about here.

It’s an absolutely insane amount.

Let’s try to put it into scale…

$87 billion is more than the entire Alberta government budget ($63 billion).

$87 billion is 48 times the cost of the Red Deer Hospital.

$87 billion is 290 times as much as the province’s “controversial” Calgary arena investment.

$87 billion would pay for the salaries of every single nurse in Alberta for 70 years.

One more… just for fun…

$87 billion would buy a Tesla Model 3 for literally every household in the province.

Yes, seriously – you get a Tesla, you get a Tesla, everyone gets a Tesla!

This is honestly such an insane amount of money that I’m genuinely not even sure that the NDP realizes exactly what they’ve committed to here.

“Never has a politician committed to a policy that would cost this much to implement. This is not only unrealistic, but it is dangerous to the long-term health and viability of our economy,” said UCP Candidate Brian Jean.

It is the single biggest election promise in Alberta history, and it’s not even close.

Thankfully, here at the Alberta Institute, our team is working hard to assess and analyze campaign promises to make sure that you have the facts at your fingertips, and that you’re fully aware of just how much our politician’s promises are going to cost you.

I’d love to be able to bring you more of this type of analysis, so if you support our work, please help us continue to provide you with the level of in-depth policy research by making a donation to support our work:


The Alberta Institute is an independent, libertarian, public policy think tank that aims to advance personal freedom and choice in Alberta.

Founded in 2018, we work to develop and promote solutions to a wide range of municipal, provincial, and federal public policy issues in a strictly non-partisan way.

Our solutions are informed by our belief in a free and open society built on individual rights, private property, peace, voluntaryism, free markets, free minds, free trade, free movement, self-ownership, and reason.

We promote these beliefs through a wide variety of activities and actions, including research, data analysis, publications, newsletters, advocacy, events, conferences, and more.

Independence:

The Alberta Institute’s work is funded by thousands of small-dollar donors from across Alberta who believe in – and wish to support – our mission.

We don’t accept any government funding – and we never will – because we think Albertans should be free to choose, for themselves, which organizations to support.

The donations we receive from our supporters allow us to hire dedicated research staff and volunteer coordinators, publish and promote our findings, host events to help get the message out and connect with the community, offer internships and other opportunities to young Albertans, and much more.

We also depend on our grassroots volunteers, spread across nearly every community in the Province, to help with our mission of advancing personal freedom and choice across Alberta.

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Alberta

Albertans still waiting for plan to grow the Heritage Fund

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill

In February 2024, the Smith government promised to share a plan to grow the Heritage Fund—Alberta’s long-term resource revenue savings fund—with the public before the end of 2024. But 2025 is upon us, and Albertans are still waiting.

The Lougheed government originally created the Heritage Fund in 1976/77 to save a share of the province’s resource wealth, including oil and gas revenues, for the future. But since its creation, Alberta governments have deposited less than 4 per cent of total resource revenue in the fund.

In other words, for decades successive Alberta governments have missed a golden opportunity. When governments make deposits in the Heritage Fund, they transform onetime (and extremely volatile) resource revenue into a financial asset that can generate more stable earnings over time. Eventually, the government could use annual income from the fund to replace volatile resource revenue in the budget.

Historically, however, rules that would have helped ensure the fund’s growth (for example, a requirement to deposit 30 per cent of resource revenue annually) were “statutory” rather than “constitutional,” which meant Alberta governments could easily disregard, change or eliminate these rules once they were no longer convenient.

And they did. The government changed that 30 per cent requirement to 15 per cent by 1982/83, and after an oil price collapse, eliminated it entirely in 1987/88. Due to a lack of consistent deposits, paired with the real value of the fund eroding over time due to inflation, and nearly all fund earnings being spent, the Heritage Fund is expected to be worth less than $25 billion in 2024/25.

Again, while Premier Smith has promised to grow the fund to between $250 billion to $400 billion by 2050, we’ve yet to see how she plans to do that. Whatever plan the government produces, it should heed lessons from other successful resource revenue savings fund such as Alaska’s Permanent Fund.

The Alaska government created its fund the same year Alberta created the Heritage Fund, but Alaska’s fund is worth roughly US$80 billion (or C$113 billion) today. What has the Alaska government done differently?

First, according to Alaska’s constitution, the state government must deposit 25 per cent of all mineral revenues into the fund each year. This type of “constitutional” rule is much stronger than a “statutory” rule that existed in Alberta. (While Canada does not have separate provincial constitutions, it’s possible to change Canada’s Constitution for province-specific measures.) Second, the Alaska government must set aside a share of the fund’s earnings each year to offset the effects of inflation—in other words, “inflation-proof” the principal of the fund to preserve its real value. And finally, the government must pay a portion of fund earnings to Alaskan citizens in annual dividends.

The logic of the first two rules is simple—the Alaskan government promotes growth in the fund by depositing mineral revenue annually, and inflation-proofing maintains the fund’s purchasing power. But consider the third rule regarding dividends.

The Alaska government created the annual dividend, paid out annually to Alaskans, to create political pressure for future governments to responsibly maintain the fund. Because citizens have an ownership share in the fund, they’re more interested in the state maximizing returns from its resource wealth. This has helped maintain and reinforce robust fiscal rules that make the Permanent Fund successful.

Based on this success, if the Smith government began contributing 25 per cent of resource revenue to the Heritage Fund and inflation-proofed the principal, it could pay each Albertan a total dividend between roughly $600 to $1,100 from 2024/25 to 2026/27, or roughly $2,300 to $4,400 per family of four. And as the fund grows, so would the dividends.

Almost one year ago, the Smith government promised a new plan for the Heritage Fund. When the plan is finally released, it should include a constitutional requirement for consistent contributions and inflation-proofing, and annual dividends for Albertans.

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute
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Alberta

Wonder Valley – Alberta’s $70 Billion AI Data Center

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From the YouTube page of Kevin O’Leary

Interview with Kyle Reiling, Executive Director of the Greenview Industrial Gateway. 

“This is the only place on earth that can do something this scale”

When Kevin O’Leary heard Alberta Premier Danielle Smith reveal just how much energy Alberta has, he knew Alberta has the solution for the coming explosion in energy consumption.

Kevin O’Leary: The demand for AI is skyrocketing—and America is out of power. Enter Alberta, with abundant natural gas and a bold premier. I’m raising $70 billion to create the world’s lowest-cost, highest-efficiency data center. Hyperscalers like Tesla, Microsoft, and Google need it, and we’re making it happen. This is how you lead the AI revolution.

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