Connect with us

Addictions

Reckless: British Columbia’s “safe supply” fentanyl tablet experiment

Published

9 minute read

From the MacDonald Laurier Institute

By Adam Zivo

While safer supply sounds nice in theory, addiction experts have found that drug users are reselling (“diverting”) a significant portion of their free hydromorphone on the black market to purchase harder substances. This has fuelled new addictions while generating handsome profits for organized crime.

Adam Zivo reviews the latest drug protocols adopted by the BC government and reports on their alarming lack of evidence and accountability.

British Columbia’s new drug protocols allow doctors throughout the province to prescribe “safer supply” drugs in a reckless manner.

In a new report titled Reckless: British Columbia’s “safe supply” fentanyl tablet experiment, Adam Zivo reviews the newest drug protocols adopted by the BC government, documenting the evolution of “safe supply” opioid programs in Canada since 2020. Zivo reports on the concerning lack of evidence behind the protocols, how they undermine recovery, drive diversion to the black market, and ruin the lives of young Canadians.

The new protocols not only avoid any requirement for drug users to first try evidence-based recovery programs before receiving high-potency opioids, but also allow minors to receive them, with no reference to the rights and roles of parents or even a minimum age for safer supply clients.

Of deep concern is also the BC government’s approach of continually increasing access to “safe” opioids despite openly admitting that there is no evidence of proven benefits or safety. The protocols also require that clients be told that their access to free fentanyl and sufentanil will almost certainly be cut off if they are hospitalized, or if they attend withdrawal management or substance use treatment facilities.

Zivo explains: “The prospect of free fentanyl and sufentanil creates powerful incentives to sign away one’s rights to evidence based treatment, so the province is essentially exploiting clients’ addictions so that it can experiment on them without taking legal responsibility for potential harms.”

Zivo adds that “one can reasonably expect that a significant portion of the fentanyl tablets being distributed by the BC government will end up being traded or resold on the black market,” explaining how mass diversion is already a major issue for weaker “safer supply” opioids like hydromorphone.

While addiction experts have been overwhelmingly critical of unsupervised safer supply, Zivo notes that many believe that the solution is not to abolish but to reform the program so that drugs can be provided more responsibly. By receiving safer supply as a temporary intervention, addicted users can transition to recovery-oriented treatments such as opioid agonist therapy (OAT.)

“It would not take much to reshape BC’s safer supply fentanyl and sufentanil programs into something more responsible and genuinely safe,” concludes Zivo. “There is nothing preventing the province from redesigning safer supply as a recovery-oriented intervention.”

To learn more, read the full paper here:

PDF of paper

Executive Summary

This past August, British Columbia’s government quietly launched new protocols that allow doctors to prescribe “safer supply” fentanyl tablets and liquid sufentanil. Fentanyl is at least 10 times stronger than hydromorphone and sufentanil, which is derived from fentanyl, is a further 5 to 10 times more potent than its parent drug. While in theory these drugs could save lives if provisioned cautiously, the way the province has chosen to distribute these dangerous opioids is nothing short of reckless.

There is evidence to support the use of opioid agonist therapy (“OAT”) medications, such as methadone, buprenorphine, and slow release oral morphine in addiction treatment, but the government’s new protocols extrapolate OAT-related evidence to support “safer supply” fentanyl even though the two therapies have little in common. In fact, the government’s protocols stress that providing safer supply fentanyl or sufentanil is “not a treatment for opioid use disorder” and that “there is no evidence available supporting this intervention, safety data, or established best practices for when and how to provide it.” It is deeply concerning that the BC government has, over the past several years, significantly increased access to “safe” fentanyl and sufentanil despite openly admitting that there is no evidence showing that these interventions provide any benefits and can be implemented safely.

“Safer supply” programs claim to reduce overdoses and deaths by providing free pharmaceutical-grade drugs as alternatives to potentially tainted illicit substances. While safer supply sounds nice in theory, addiction experts have found that drug users are reselling (“diverting”) a significant portion of their free hydromorphone on the black market to purchase harder substances. This has fuelled new addictions while generating handsome profits for organized crime. Some patients have even been coerced into securing safer supply they didn’t need. Pimps and abusive partners pressure vulnerable women into securing as much hydromorphone as possible for black market resale. Other vulnerable patients, such as the geriatric and disabled, have been robbed of their safer supply outside of pharmacies.

There are other issues with the protocols, too. They require that clients be told that their access to free fentanyl and sufentanil will almost certainly be cut off if they are hospitalized, or if they attend withdrawal management or substance use treatment facilities. This creates powerful disincentives for drug users to seek life-saving health care. Further, none of the safer supply protocols by the British Columbia Centre on Substance Use (BCCSU) discuss the rights and roles of the parents of minors struggling with addiction. It appears that health care providers can give fentanyl and sufentanil to minors regardless of whether parents are aware of, or consent to, this intervention. The protocols do not specify a minimum age for safer supply clients.

It would not take much to reshape BC’s safer supply fentanyl and sufentanil programs into something more responsible and genuinely safe. There is nothing preventing the province from redesigning safer supply as a recovery-oriented intervention. Experts argue that safer supply could be helpful if used as a temporary intervention that helps severely-addicted users make the transition to recovery-oriented treatments, such as OAT.

There is also nothing stopping the province from fixing many of the issues with the safer supply program – including lax safeguards for youth. Any safer supply model must require supervised consumption. It is the absence of this supervision that has enabled the mass diversion of safer supply drugs onto the black market.

Governments have a duty to provide evidence-based treatment to vulnerable citizens and consider collateral harms to others. Rather than fulfil this duty, the BC government is committing to risky and highly experimental interventions that lack an appropriate evidence base.

Adam Zivo is a freelance writer and political analyst best known for his weekly columns in the National Post. He holds a Master of Public Policy from the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy and recently founded the Centre for Responsible Drug Policy, a nonprofit advocacy organization.

Todayville is a digital media and technology company. We profile unique stories and events in our community. Register and promote your community event for free.

Follow Author

Addictions

Should fentanyl dealers face manslaughter charges for fatal overdoses?

Published on

Tyler Ginn prior to his death from a fentanyl overdose in 2021. [Photo credit: Gayle Fowlie]

By Alexandra Keeler

Police are charging more drug dealers with manslaughter in fentanyl overdose deaths. But the shift is not satisfying everyone

Four years ago, Tyler Ginn died of a fentanyl overdose at the age of 18. Tyler’s father found his son unresponsive in the bedroom of their Brooklin, Ont., home.

For Tyler’s mother, Gayle Fowlie, the pain of his loss remains raw.

“He was my kid that rode his bike to the store to buy me a chocolate bar on my birthday, you know?” she told Canadian Affairs in an interview.

Police charged Jacob Norn, the drug dealer who sold Tyler his final, fatal dose, with manslaughter. More than three years after Tyler’s death, Norn was convicted and sentenced to six years in prison.

“I don’t think you can grasp how difficult going through a trial is,” Fowlie said. “On TV, it’s a less than an hour process. But the pain of it, and going over every detail and then going over every detail again … it provides details you wish you didn’t know.”

But Fowlie is glad Norn was convicted. If anything, she would have liked him to serve a longer sentence. Lawyers have told her Norn is likely to serve only two to four years of his sentence in prison.

“My son’s never coming back [and] his whole family has a life sentence of missing him the rest of our lives,” she said. “So do I think four years is fair? No.”

Norn’s case reflects a growing trend of drug dealers being charged with manslaughter when their drug sales lead to fatal overdoses.

But this shift has not satisfied everyone. Some would like to see drug dealers face harsher or different penalties.

“If we say that it was 50 per cent Tyler’s fault for buying it and 50 per cent Jacob’s fault for selling it … then I think he should have a half-a-life sentence,” said Fowlie.

Others say the legal system’s focus on prosecuting low-level drug dealers misses the broader issues at play.

“[Police] decided, in the Jacob Norn case, they were going to go one stage back,” said Peter Thorning, who was Norn’s defence lawyer.

“What about the person who gave Jacob that substance? What about the person who supplied the substance to [that person]? There was no investigation into where it came from and who was ultimately responsible for the death of that young man.”

Subscribe for free to get BTN’s latest news and analysis – or donate to our investigative journalism fund.

Manslaughter charge

At least 50,000 Canadians have died from drug overdoses since 2016. Last year, an average of 21 individuals died each day, with fentanyl accounting for nearly 80 per cent of those deaths.

Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, is up to 50 times stronger than heroin and 100 times stronger than morphine. A dose as small as a few grains of salt can be lethal.

Given its potency, police and prosecutors have increasingly turned to manslaughter charges when a dealer’s product results in a fatal overdose.

A recent study in the Canadian Journal of Law and Society found that the number of manslaughter charges laid for drug-related deaths in Canada surged from three cases in 2016 to 135 in 2021.

Individuals can be convicted of manslaughter for committing unlawful, reckless or negligent acts that result in death but where there was no intention to kill. Sentences can range from probation (in rare cases) to life.

Murder charges, by contrast, require an intent to kill or cause fatal harm. Drug dealers typically face manslaughter charges in overdose cases, as their intent is to distribute drugs, not to kill those who purchase them.

Joanne Bortoluss, a spokesperson for the Durham Regional Police, which charged Norn, said that each of their investigations follows the same fundamental process.

“Investigators consider the strength of the evidence, the dealer’s level of involvement, and applicable laws when determining whether to pursue charges like manslaughter,” she said.

The Canadian Journal of Law and Society study also found that prosecutions often target low-level dealers, many of whom are drug users themselves and have personal connections to the deceased.

Norn’s case fits this pattern. He struggled with substance abuse, including addiction to fentanyl, Xanax and Percocet. Tyler and Norn were friends, the judge said in the court ruling, although Fowlie disputes this claim.

“[Those words] are repulsive to me,” she said.

The Crown argued Norn demonstrated “a high degree of moral blameworthiness” by warning Ginn of the fentanyl’s potency while still selling it to him. In a call to Ginn, he warned him “not to do a lot of the stuff” because he “didn’t want to be responsible for anything that happened.”

Fowlie’s outrage over Norn’s lenient sentencing is compounded by the fact that Norn was found trafficking fentanyl again after her son’s death.

“So we’ve killed somebody, and we’re still … trafficking? We’re not worried who else we kill?” Fowlie said.

Trafficking

Some legal sources noted that manslaughter charges do not necessarily lead to harsh sentences or deterrence.

“If you look at how diverse and … lenient some sentences are for manslaughter, I don’t think it really pushes things in the direction that [victims’ families] want,” said Kevin Westell, a Vancouver-based trial lawyer and former chair of the Canadian Bar Association.

Westell noted that the term “manslaughter” is misleading. “Manslaughter is a brutal-sounding title, but it encapsulates a very broad span of criminal offences,” he said.

In Westell’s view, consistently charging dealers with drug trafficking could be more effective for deterring the practice.

“What really matters is how long the sentence is, and you’re better off saying, ‘We know fentanyl is dangerous, so we’re setting the sentence quite high,’ rather than making it harder to prove with a manslaughter charge,” he said.

Trafficking is a distinct charge from manslaughter that involves the distribution, sale or delivery of illicit drugs. The sentencing range for fentanyl trafficking is eight to 15 years, Kwame Bonsu, a media relations representative for the Department of Justice, told Canadian Affairs.

“Courts must impose sentences that are proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender,” Bonsu said, referencing a 2021 Supreme Court of Canada decision. Bonsu noted that aggravating factors such as lack of remorse or trafficking large quantities can lead to harsher sentences.

‘Head of the snake’

Some legal experts noted the justice system often fails to target those higher up in the drug supply chain.

“We don’t know how many hands that drug goes through,” said Thorning, the defence lawyer.

“Are the police going to prosecute every single person who provides fentanyl to another person? Jacob [Norn] was himself an addict trafficker — what about the person who supplied the substance to him?”

Thorning also questioned whether government agencies bear some responsibility. “Is some government agency’s failure to investigate how that drug came into the country partly responsible for the young man’s death?”

Westell, who has served as both a Crown prosecutor and criminal defence lawyer, acknowledged the difficulty of targeting higher-level traffickers.

“Cutting off the head of the snake does not align very well with the limitations of the international borders,” he said.

“Yes, there are transnational justice measures, but a lot gets lost, and as soon as you cross an international border of any kind, it becomes incredibly difficult to follow the chain in a linear way.”

Bortoluss, of the Durham police, said even prosecuting what appear to be obvious fentanyl-related deaths — such as Tyler Ginn’s — can be challenging. Witnesses can be reluctant to cooperate, fearing legal consequences. It can also be difficult to identify the source of drugs, as “transactions often involve multiple intermediaries and anonymous online sales.”

Another challenge in deterring fentanyl trafficking is the strong financial incentives of the trade.

“Even if [Norn] serves two to four years for killing somebody, but he could make a hundred thousand off of selling drugs, is it worth it?” Fowlie said.

Thorning agreed that the profit incentive can be incredibly powerful, outweighing the risk of a potential sentence.

“The more risky you make the behaviour, the greater the profit for a person who’s willing to break our laws, and the profit is the thing that generates the conduct,” he said.

A blunt instrument

Legal experts also noted the criminal justice system alone cannot solve the fentanyl crisis.

“Most people who have [lost] a loved one [to drug overdose] want to see a direct consequence to the person that’s responsible,” said Westell. “But I think they would also like to see something on a more macro level that helps eliminate the problem more holistically, and that can’t be [achieved through] crime and punishment alone.”

Thorning agrees.

“These are mental health .. [and] medical issues,” he said. “Criminal law is a blunt instrument [that is] not going to deal with these things effectively.”

Even Fowlie sees the problem as bigger than sentencing. Her son struggled with the stigma associated with therapy and medication, which made it difficult for him to seek help.

“We need to normalize seeing a therapist, like we normalize getting your eyes checked every year,” she said.

“Pot isn’t the gateway drug, trauma is a gateway drug.”


This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.


Subscribe to Break The Needle – or donate to our investigative journalism fund.

Launched a year ago
Break The Needle provides news and analysis on addiction and crime in Canada.
Continue Reading

Addictions

The Fentanyl Crisis Is A War, And Canada Is On The Wrong Side

Published on

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Brian Giesbrecht

Drug cartels, China, and Canada’s negligence are fueling the deadliest epidemic of our time

It took the threat of U.S. tariffs for Canada to wake up to the horrors of the fentanyl epidemic that is destroying young lives and shattering families. Canadians, who panicked over COVID-19 deaths, have hardly noticed that far more healthy Canadians and Americans are now dying from fentanyl overdoses than ever died from COVID.

Yet while Americans confront this deadly epidemic, Canada remains oblivious to how deeply the crisis has infiltrated our borders.

A grim milestone came in 2021 when U.S. opioid overdose deaths exceeded 100,000 in a single year. More than a million Americans have died from opioid overdoses since these highly addictive drugs first entered the market. Today, fentanyl overdose is the leading cause of death for Americans aged 18 to 25.

Behind every kilogram of fentanyl lies half a million potential deaths. Behind every pill—a game of Russian roulette.

Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid so powerful that one kilogram can kill 500,000 people. Its extreme potency makes it both highly dangerous and easy to smuggle. A single backpack thrown across the border can carry $1 million worth of the drug. It is easy to see why so many opportunists are willing to risk their lives producing and selling it. Overdose statistics fail to capture the bodies found in deserts or those murdered in the vicious drug trade.

Fentanyl is produced for a few cents per pill but sold on the street for many times that, making it both profitable and a cheap high. Incredibly addictive, it is found in virtually all street drugs, giving “the most bang for the buck.” Made by amateurs, these drugs are carelessly laced with lethal doses. And because the pills look identical, users never know whether a dose will get them high—or kill them.

But Canada is not just a bystander in this crisis. A loophole in our border laws—the “de minimis” exemption—has turned Canada into a gateway for fentanyl entering U.S. communities. This exemption allows exporters to ship small packages valued at less than $800 directly to customers with minimal border inspection. Chinese exporters exploit this loophole to ship fentanyl precursors into Canada, where they are processed into pills or moved to Mexico under the supervision of Mexican drug cartels.

The Trump administration has pressed Canada to close this loophole. That it has existed for years, almost unnoticed, should shock us to the core.

The problem of fentanyl production within Canada should not be minimized. The RCMP reports that fentanyl labs are appearing across B.C., often producing methamphetamine alongside fentanyl. These small labs supply both domestic and international markets. The threat is real, and it is growing.

Exactly how many Canadians have died from fentanyl overdoses is unclear. However, with Canada’s population roughly one-ninth of the U.S., it is reasonable to estimate that Canadian deaths are approximately one-ninth of U.S. numbers.

But overdose numbers alone don’t tell the whole story. The number of lives wrecked by this drug is staggering. Parents watch their children—once vibrant and full of promise—disappear before their eyes. Their beauty fades, their minds unravel, and their lives collapse into the desperate cycle of chasing the next fix. Some escape. Many don’t. Until death takes them, that is.

The new Trump administration has promised to confront this carnage. “This is a drug war,” Peter Navarro, assistant to the president and director of the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, recently told reporters. “The Mexican cartels have expanded up to Canada, making fentanyl there and sending it down to the U.S. The Chinese are using Canada to send in small parcels below the radar. It’s important that Canadians understand we are trying to stop the killing of Americans by these deadly drugs.”

But while the U.S. acts, Canada hesitates. Trump is addressing the problem—Canada is enabling it.

The Trump administration also views Canada’s lax drug laws and casual attitude toward buying and selling even the most dangerous drugs as an exacerbating factor. However, on the fentanyl issue, it is clear Trump is determined to tackle a problem Canada has largely ignored. He should be commended for this, and Canada should start cleaning up its own mess.

Yet fentanyl smuggling from Canada is only part of a larger issue. Behind the drug trade lies an even more insidious enemy: the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

The importation of fentanyl precursors from China, facilitated by Mexican cartels, has turned Vancouver into a money-laundering hub for the CCP. Investigative reporters like Sam Cooper and Terry Glavin have revealed the depth of this corruption, despite the Hogue Commission’s failure to expose it fully.

Ryan P. Williams, president of the Claremont Institute, warns that “The fentanyl crisis is part of a larger campaign by the CCP to destabilize Western nations. They flood our streets with poison while corrupting our institutions from within. If Canada doesn’t confront this threat, it will lose not only lives—but its sovereignty.”

Our new “fentanyl czar,” appointed by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, should not only address the drug crisis but also expose how deeply a hostile CCP has compromised Canada.

Tackling the fentanyl problem will be enormously difficult—likely impossible— for the Trump administration without cooperation from China, Mexico and even Canada. And forcing that cooperation is likely the first part of Trump’s plan.

Canada’s role may be small, but it must take full responsibility for securing its borders and confronting the fentanyl crisis. Trump has forced us to act. Now, if we are serious about restoring our nation’s integrity, we must break the CCP’s grip on our institutions.

In doing so, we will save Canadian lives.

Brian Giesbrecht is a retired Manitoba judge. He is a Senior Fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He was recently named the ‘Western Standard Columnist of the Year.’

Continue Reading

Trending

X