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Medical Assistance in Dying now accounts for over 4% of deaths in Canada

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The following are interesting statistics pulled directly from the:

Fourth annual report on Medical Assistance in Dying in Canada 2022

Growth in the number of medically assisted deaths in Canada continues in 2022.

  • In 2022, there were 13,241 MAID provisions reported in Canada, accounting for 4.1% of all deaths in Canada.
  • The number of cases of MAID in 2022 represents a growth rate of 31.2% over 2021. All provinces except Manitoba and the Yukon continue to experience a steady year-over-year growth in 2022.
  • When all data sources are considered, the total number of medically assisted deaths reported in Canada since the introduction of federal MAID legislation in 2016 is 44,958.

Profile of MAID recipients

  • In 2022, a slightly larger proportion of males (51.4%) than females (48.6%) received MAID. This result is consistent with 2021 (52.3% males and 47.7% females), 2020 (51.9% males and 48.1%  females) and 2019 (50.9% males and 49.1% females).
  • The average age of individuals at the time MAID was provided in 2022 was 77.0 years. This average age is slightly higher than the averages of 2019 (75.2), 2020 (75.3) and 2021 (76.3). The average age of females during 2022 was 77.9, compared to males at 76.1.
  • Cancer (63.0%) is the most cited underlying medical condition among MAID provisions in 2022, down from 65.6% in 2021 and from a high of 69.1% in 2020. This is followed by cardiovascular conditions (18.8%), other conditions (14.9%), respiratory conditions (13.2%) and neurological conditions (12.6%).
  • In 2022, 3.5% of the total number of MAID provisions (463 individuals), were individuals whose natural deaths were not reasonably foreseeable. This is an increase from 2.2% in 2021 (223 individuals). The most cited underlying medical condition for this population was neurological (50.0%), followed by other conditions (37.1%), and multiple comorbidities (23.5%), which is similar to 2021 results. The average age of individuals receiving MAID whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable was 73.1 years, slightly higher than 70.1 in 2021 but lower than the average age of 77.0 for all MAID recipients in 2022.

Nature of suffering among MAID recipients

  • In 2022, the most commonly cited sources of suffering by individuals requesting MAID were the loss of ability to engage in meaningful activities (86.3%), followed by loss of ability to perform activities of daily living (81.9%) and inadequate control of pain, or concern about controlling pain (59.2%).
  • These results continue to mirror very similar trends seen in the previous three years (2019 to 2021), indicating that the nature of suffering that leads a person to request MAID has remained consistent over the past four years.
Eligibility Criteria
  • Request MAID voluntarily
  • 18 years of age or older
  • Capacity to make health care decisions
  • Must provide informed consent
  • Eligible for publicly funded health care services in Canada
  • Diagnosed with a “grievous and irremediable medical condition,” where a person must meet all of the following criteria:
    • serious and incurable illness, disease or disability
    • advanced state of irreversible decline in capability,
    • experiencing enduring physical or psychological suffering that is caused by their illness, disease or disability or by the advanced state of decline in capability, that is intolerable to them and that cannot be relieved under conditions that they consider acceptable
  • Mental Illness as sole underlying medical condition is excluded until March 17, 2024

3.1 Number of Reported MAID Deaths in Canada (2016 to 2022)

2022 marks six and a half years of access to MAID in Canada. In 2022, there were 13,241 MAID provisions in Canada, bringing the total number of medically assisted deaths in Canada since 2016 to 44,958. In 2022, the total number of MAID provisions increased by 31.2% (2022 over 2021) compared to 32.6% (2021 over 2020). The annual growth rate in MAID provisions has been steady over the past six years, with an average growth rate of 31.1% from 2019 to 2022.

Chart 3.1: Total MAID Deaths in Canada, 2016 to 2022
Chart 3.1

Access to MAID for individuals whose deaths were not reasonably foreseeable marked its second year of eligibility in 2022. In Canada, eligibility for individuals whose death is not reasonably foreseeable began on March 17, 2021, after the passage of the new legislation.Footnote8 There were 463 MAID provisions for persons whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable, representing 3.5% of all MAID deaths in 2022. This is just over twice the total number of provisions for individuals where natural death was not reasonably foreseeable in 2021 (223 provisions representing 2.2% of all MAID provisions in 2021). Table 3.1 represents total MAID provisions in Canada from 2016 to 2022, including provisions for individuals where natural death was not reasonably foreseeable.

All jurisdictions, except Manitoba and Yukon, experienced growth in MAID provisions in 2022. The highest percentage year over year increases occurred in Québec (45.5%), Alberta (40.7%), Newfoundland and Labrador (38.5%), Ontario (26.8%) and British Columbia (23.9%). Nova Scotia (11.8%), Prince Edward Island (7.3%) and Saskatchewan (4.0%) had lower growth rates. The Yukon remained at the same level as 2021, while Manitoba was the only jurisdiction to experience a decline in MAID provisions for 2022 (-9.0%).

Table 3.1: Total MAID Deaths in Canada by Jurisdiction, 2016 – 2022
MAID NL PE NS NB QC ON MB SK AB BC YT NT NU Canada
2016 24 9 494 191 24 11 63 194 1,018
2017 62 49 853 839 63 57 205 677 2,838
2018 23 8 126 92 1,249 1,500 138 85 307 951 12 4,493
2019 20 20 147 141 1,604 1,788 177 97 377 1,280 13 5,665
2020 49 37 190 160 2,278 2,378 214 160 555 1,572 13 7,611
2021 65 41 245 205 3,299 3,102 245 247 594 2,030 16 10,092
2022 90 44 274 247 4,801 3,934 223 257 836 2,515 16 13,241
TOTAL
2016-2022
267 156 1,068 903 14,578 13,732 1,084 914 2,937 9,219 84 44,958

3.2 MAID Deaths as a Proportion of Total Deaths in Canada

MAID deaths accounted for 4.1% of all deaths in Canada in 2022, an increase from 3.3% in 2021, 2.5% in 2020 and 2.0% in 2019. In 2022, six jurisdictions continue to experience increases in the number of MAID provisions as a percentage of total deaths, ranging from a low of 1.5% (Newfoundland & Labrador) to a high of 6.6% (Québec). MAID deaths as a percentage of total deaths remained at the same levels as 2021 for Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and Saskatchewan, while Manitoba experienced a decline in MAID deaths as a percentage of all deaths (from 2.1% in 2021 to 1.8% in 2022). As with each of the three previous years (2019 to 2021), Québec and British Columbia experienced the highest percentage of MAID deaths as a proportion of all deaths within their jurisdiction in 2022 (6.6% and 5.5% respectively), continuing to reflect the socio-political dynamics of these two jurisdictions in the context of MAID.

4.5 Profile of Persons Receiving MAID Whose Natural Death is not Reasonably Foreseeable

2022 marks the second year that MAID for persons whose natural death is not reasonably foreseeable is permitted under the law if all other eligibility criteria are met (Table 1.1). New federal MAID legislation passed on March 17, 2021, created a two-track approach to procedural safeguards for MAID practitioners to follow, based on whether or not a person’s natural death is reasonably foreseeable. This approach to safeguards ensures that sufficient time and expertise are spent assessing MAID requests from persons whose natural death is not reasonably foreseeable. New and enhanced safeguards (Table 1.2), including a minimum 90-day assessment period, seek to address the diverse source of suffering and vulnerability that could potentially lead a person who is not nearing death to ask for MAID and to identify alternatives to MAID that could reduce suffering.

In 2022, 3.5% of MAID recipients (463 individuals) were assessed as not having a reasonably foreseeable natural death, up slightly from 2.2% (223 individuals) in 2021. As a percentage of all MAID deaths in Canada, MAID for individuals whose natural death is not reasonably foreseeable represents just 0.14% of all deaths in Canada in 2022 (compared to all MAID provisions, which represent 4.1% of all 2022 deaths in Canada). The proportion of MAID recipients whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable continues to remain very small compared to the total number of MAID recipients.

This population of individuals whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable have a different medical profile than individuals whose death was reasonably foreseeable. As shown in Chart 4.5A, the main underlying medical condition reported in the population whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable was neurological (50.0%), followed by ‘other condition’ (37.1%), and multiple comorbidities (23.5%). This differs from the main condition (as reported in Chart 4.1A) for all MAID recipients in 2022, where the majority of persons receiving MAID had cancer as a main underlying medical condition (63.0%), followed by cardiovascular conditions (18.8%) and other conditions (14.9%) (such as chronic pain, osteoarthritis, frailty, fibromyalgia, autoimmune conditions). These results are similar to 2021.

Chart 4.5A: Main Condition, MAID, Natural Death Not Reasonably Foreseeable, 2022
Chart 4.5a

Of the MAID provisions for individuals where death was reasonably foreseeable, the majority were individuals ages 71 and older (71.1%) while only 28.9% were between ages 18-70. A similar trend was observed for individuals where natural death was not reasonably foreseeable which also showed a greater percentage of individuals who received MAID being 71 and older (58.5%) and a lower number of MAID provisions for individuals between 18-70 years (41.5%). Overall, however, MAID provisions for individuals whose death is not reasonably foreseeable tended to be in the younger age categories than those where natural death is foreseeable.

Chart 4.5B: MAID by Age: Natural Death Reasonably Foreseeable Vs Not Reasonably Foreseeable, 2022
Chart 4.5b

 

After 15 years as a TV reporter with Global and CBC and as news director of RDTV in Red Deer, Duane set out on his own 2008 as a visual storyteller. During this period, he became fascinated with a burgeoning online world and how it could better serve local communities. This fascination led to Todayville, launched in 2016.

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Fraser Institute

Premier Eby seeks to suspend democracy in B.C.

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From the Fraser Institute

By Niels Veldhuis and Tegan Hill

Last week, B.C. Premier David Eby proposed new legislation to give himself and his cabinet sweeping powers to unilaterally change almost any provincial law and regulation without legislative approval or review. While the legislation—dubbed the Economic Stabilization (Tariff Response) Act—has yet to be enacted into law, the fact that the government proposed such unprecedented powers is deeply concerning and a genuine threat to our democracy.

Only five months ago, British Columbians went to the polls and delivered a sobering victory to Eby’s incumbent NDP government, which lost 8 of its 55 seats and ended up with 47 of 93 seats, the narrowest “majority” possible. The popular vote was nearly dead-even between the NDP (44.86 per cent) and the upstart Conservative Party (43.28 per cent).

Even Premier Eby acknowledged the voters sent his government a message and promised to work together with other parties. “After a close and hard-fought campaign, it’s now time to come together to deliver for people,” he said. “British Columbians have asked us to work together and make life better for them.”

“Work together” in a democracy means embracing a deliberative and, at times, messy process. Thoughtful policymaking takes time. It’s a core feature of democracy. No leader has all the knowledge to act unilaterally to do what’s right. We need the legislature to weigh competing viewpoints through rigorous and transparent debate—that’s how our system works.

Yet according to the Eby government, the Economic Stabilization (Tariff Response) Act will lead to the opposite and provide “temporary authority to cabinet… to modify the application or effect of B.C. laws and regulations.” In other words, if approved, it will allow Premier Eby and his cabinet to override provincial laws, regulations, bylaws, rules, resolutions, practices, policies, standards, procedures and other measures without approval or review by the elected legislature. That’s not how our system is supposed to work.

To put it more starkly, the Eby government is telling British Columbians that 23 cabinet ministers and four ministers of state can sufficiently decide almost any matter pertaining to the government without democratic approval or input from opposition parties. It is by all measures an extraordinary circumvention of the province’s democratic institutions.

Premier Eby, of course, knows the extraordinary nature of this type of undemocratic authority. “In extraordinary times,” he told reporters last week, “we need extraordinary powers.” And he wants these extraordinary powers for the next two years.

While President Trump’s tariffs are terrible economic policy and very damaging to Canada and other countries, many governments throughout history have tried these policies. Like in the past, our politicians and policymakers must deal with tariffs and other economic challenges purposefully and deliberately within democratic constraints, which include transparent debates, reviews, re-assessments, and genuine deliberations that include opposition parties.

Instead, Premier Eby wants absolute power and control.

As British Columbians will no doubt conclude, there’s something fundamentally wrong with suspending democracy because we’re in challenging times. We often deal with significant challenges. Should our governments have suspended democracy in the wake of 9/11, the limited outbreak of SARS, the financial crisis of 2008-09 or COVID?

Finally, this dim view of democratic constraints is not new to the Eby government. Just last year, Premier Eby tried to pass one of the most significant and fundamental legislative changes in B.C. history, giving more than 200 First Nations veto power over land-use decisions in the province. Eby hoped to rush his legalisation through the legislature without full transparency or meaningful public input, and without disclosing any analysis of its economic impact. When British Columbians caught wind of his plan, there was an uproar, and before October’s election, Eby shelved the legislation (for now, at least).

Here we are again, mere months later, with Premier Eby wanting to make unprecedented changes to our democracy in response to an economic policy from another democratically elected government that, while damaging, is hardly an existential threat.

To call the Economic Stabilization (Tariff Response) Act a significant overreach would be a gross understatement. It’s an affront to our democracy.

Niels Veldhuis

President, Fraser Institute

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute
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2025 Federal Election

Soaked, Angry, and Awake: What We Saw at Pierre Poilievre’s Surrey Rally

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The Opposition with Dan Knight Dan Knight

Thousands stood in the rain—not for politics, but for hope. And this time, they just might bring it home.

We were there. We saw it with our own eyes. We were out in the rain too.

This was our first rally. No press passes. No backstage passes. Just boots on the ground in Surrey, British Columbia, shoulder to shoulder with five thousand other Canadians standing in line, drenched, cold—and awake. We weren’t there to fanboy. We came to observe. To listen.

And what we saw was more than a political event. It was a moment.

We saw Alex Zoltan from True North (@AmazingZoltan), Mike Le Couteur from CTV (@mikelecouteur), and legendary broadcaster Anita Krishna (@AnitaKrishna1) in the crowd. But more importantly—we saw the people. Working people. Retired people. Young people. People who’ve been ignored for years by the political class, who finally feel like someone is saying out loud what they’ve been screaming into the void.

What we heard from them? It wasn’t rehearsed. It wasn’t ideological. It was heartbreak.

A lot of people are angry. Not the rage you see on Twitter. Real anger. The kind that comes from watching your country stop working—for you. One man told us he’s on a pension and can’t afford groceries. Another woman said she skips meals so her kids can eat. We met a young couple in their late twenties who’ve given up on the idea of owning a home. They’re not lazy. They’re not reckless. They’re just priced out of the country they were born in.

And here’s what cut the deepest—many of them told us, “We want to support this party. But we can’t.” Why? Because they’ve been burned too many times. Promised too much. Betrayed too often. But they came anyway. They stood in the rain for hours anyway. Because there’s a flicker of something they haven’t felt in a long time:

Hope.

I kept asking: “Do you like this guy?” The answer was a resounding yes. And not because they’re buying the hype—but because he’s giving voice to something real. Pierre Poilievre is reaching disillusioned Canadians—not through political poetry or staged empathy—but through hard truths, said plainly, with no filter.

These aren’t people looking for a savior. They’re looking for someone who remembers them. And on that night in Surrey, they believed they found one. They came for a message. For a fight. For a reason to believe that someone—finally—was on their side.

Before Pierre ever took the mic, the crowd in Surrey was already fired up—and a big reason for that was Anaida Poilievre.

Let’s be honest: she’s a bombshell. And not just because she’s beautiful but because she’s the real deal. Industrious, sharp, fluent in two languages, and built from the same immigrant grit that defines so many Canadians who feel left behind by this system.

She opened the rally not like a politician’s wife reading off a cue card, but like a woman who actually believes in what her husband’s fighting for. She talked about Pierre’s adoption, his humble roots, and the hard lessons that shaped him. No privilege. No elite pedigree. Just two schoolteachers raising a kid to believe that if you want something in life, you earn it.

She looked out at a rain-soaked crowd and didn’t flinch. She thanked them. She told them their presence was a sign of hope. She didn’t pander. She didn’t posture. She spoke like someone who’s been watching this country change—and not for the better—and is finally standing beside someone willing to do something about it.

And you know what? People listened.

And when Pierre Poilievre walked onto that stage hugged his wife and said, “Who’s ready to axe some taxes?”—the crowd roared. Not clapped. Not nodded politely. Roared.

Because after a decade of being kicked in the teeth by a government that lectures more than it listens, Canadians are tired. Tired of being broke. Tired of being lied to. Tired of being told their pain is imaginary while the Laurentian elite pockets billions and jets off to climate conferences.

Poilievre knows that. And in this rally, he laid it out in plain language. “The Canadian promise is broken,” he said. And he’s right. Food inflation is higher than it is in the United States. Vancouver is the most expensive housing market in North America. People can’t afford groceries, never mind rent. And Mark Carney—Trudeau’s successor and another unelected globalist—wants you to believe this is fine.

It’s not fine. It’s engineered decline. And the crowd in Surrey knew it.

Poilievre tore into the carbon tax scam. “They told us without the carbon tax, the planet would catch fire,” he said. “I thought you put out fires with water—not taxes.” The room went wild. Because finally, someone said out loud what every working-class Canadian already knows: this isn’t about climate. It’s about control.

And here’s the kicker—while Canadians are being taxed into oblivion, what’s Carney doing? Poilievre didn’t mince words: “He’s moved his headquarters out of Canada, shifted billions to offshore tax havens, and wants to tax our industries into extinction.” And it’s true. Brookfield took $276 million from the Bank of China. That’s the man now lecturing you about sovereignty and security.

And just when you think it couldn’t get more absurd, Poilievre nailed the punchline: “Imagine the one thing Trump and Carney agree on—taxing Canadian industry.” One with tariffs. One with carbon taxes. The same result: you lose. They win.

And then Pierre Poilievre started talking about the one thing the political class won’t touch—housing. Real housing. Not photo ops with construction helmets. Not climate-smart TikTok renderings. Actual places where real people live. You know, the thing you used to be able to afford before Justin Trudeau and his handpicked successor, Mark Carney, burned the Canadian economy to the ground.

And when Poilievre said it costs $250,000 a year to buy a home in this country? The crowd didn’t gasp. They nodded. Because they already know. They’re living it. They’re paying $2,600 a month in rent in Vancouver—more than most mortgages in the U.S. They’re watching housing slip into fantasy while their wages stagnate and taxes climb.

Poilievre didn’t just diagnose the problem. He named the villains: gatekeepers. Bureaucrats. Urban planners with six-figure pensions who spend five years approving a duplex. Politicians more concerned about aesthetics than affordability. And of course, the federal Liberals who reward this dysfunction with your tax dollars.

He looked them in the eye and said: We will cut them off. No homes, no money.

You want to build homes? Great—we’ll help. You want to stall, delay, regulate and strangle supply while pretending to care? Goodbye federal funding. And when he said he’d pay cities a bonus—$10,000 per unit—for every home completed, the crowd erupted.

Because for the first time in a long time, someone isn’t just “raising awareness.” He’s ready to bulldoze the roadblocks.

Then he got to the scam of the century: the carbon tax. He said, “They told us the planet would catch fire without it. I thought you put out fires with water—not taxes.” That’s not a joke. That’s clarity. And clarity is dangerous to the people who make billions off confusion.

Now Carney—Canada’s favorite unelected international banker—is floating his latest con: “Don’t worry, we’ll scrap the carbon tax and give you a rebate instead.” Right. The government takes your dollar, runs it through three ministries, skims 30 cents, then hands you back 70 and tells you it’s a gift. That’s their model.

Poilievre? He cuts through the lie: “Just let people keep their damn money.”

And here’s what made this rally different. This wasn’t a campaign stop in a suit-and-tie showroom. This was a declaration of war against the elite cartel that’s run this country into the ground for the last decade.

He talked about immigration, not from a place of fear, but of reality. Canadians aren’t against immigration. They’re against chaos. They’re against bringing in more people when we can’t even house the people already here. It’s not anti-immigrant. It’s pro-sanity.

And most of all, he spoke about something you rarely hear from a politician in this country: pride. Not in institutions, not in photo-ops—but in the tradesman, the small business owner, the truck driver, the welder. The people who actually build Canada. He said we’re going to make things again. That we’re going to stop outsourcing our sovereignty and start bringing it all home.

And the crowd? They didn’t just applaud—they believed him.

This was not a speech for journalists or corporate donors. It was a speech for people who still love this country, who want their kids to own homes, who want to work and not be punished for it.

It was for the family that’s cut out takeout to pay the heating bill. For the welder who can’t get approved for a mortgage in his own city. For the young couple living in their parents’ basement, not because they’re lazy—but because everything is rigged against them. And for the first time in a long time, they heard someone say out loud what they’ve been thinking in silence: This isn’t your fault. It’s theirs.

We don’t need more government programs.

We don’t need more subsidies or slogans.

We need leaders with a spine—who will stop apologizing for this country and start rebuilding it.

Pierre Poilievre stood in front of thousands in Surrey and said: “We’re going to bring it home.”

And maybe, just maybe, this time… we will.

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