National
‘Insider’ connected to ArriveCAN app to testify before House of Commons committee
From LifeSiteNews
The once-mandatory ArriveCAN app cost taxpayers over $50 million, $8.9 million of which was given to an obscure company called GC Strategies which was operated by a two-man team out of an Ontario home.
Canadian MPs investigating the federal government’s $54 million controversial COVID-era ArriveCAN travel app are today questioning an “insider” connected to the app who was claimed to have boasted he “rubbed shoulders” with every assistant “deputy minister in town.”
According to Blacklock’s Reporter, the “insider” to testify before the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates (OGGO) as to his involvement with the travel app is consultant Vaughn Brennan, who was reluctantly named as a witness.
According to subcontractors involved in the ArriveCAN app, Brennan had been named as a “self-styled political insider.”
According to witnesses, Brennan said he had “rubbed shoulders with every assistant deputy minister in town” and thought that the $23 million being spent on a sole-sourced contract was “a drop in the bucket.”
To date, Brennan has never spoken publicly about his involvement with the ArriveCAN app, however, it has been confirmed he did work with ArriveCAN consultant GC Strategies Incorporated.
The once-mandatory ArriveCAN app cost taxpayers over $50 million, $8.9 million of which was given to an obscure company called GC Strategies which was operated by a two-man team out of an Ontario home.
The OGGO is investigating how various companies such as Dalian, Coaradix, and GC Strategies received millions in taxpayer dollars to develop the contentious quarantine-tracking ArriveCAN app.
LifeSiteNews last year reported how two tech entrepreneurs testified before the committee that during the development of the ArriveCAN travel app they saw firsthand how federal managers engaged in “extortion,” “corruption,” and “ghost contracting,” all at the expense of taxpayers.
Canada’s Auditor General Karen Hogan announced an investigation of the ArriveCAN app in November of 2022, after the House of Commons voted 173-149 for a full audit of the controversial app.
The OGGO has not yet determined who gave the final approval over the ArriveCAN travel app’s contracts, which paid out millions to consultants.
‘Systemic corruption’ within Trudeau federal government ‘evident to everyone,’ says Conservative MP
Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) MP Stephanie Kusie noted to the committee on October 26, 2023, that it should be “evident to everyone in this room as well as Canadians,” that there is “systemic corruption within this government,” when speaking about ArriveCAN. She added that government corruption “should be absolutely evident.”
According to CPC MP Kelly McCauley, who is chair of the committee, Brennan had declined to testify before it, adding that “GC Strategies is playing hard to get.”
“That would be a polite way of saying it,” said McCauley.
“We have not been able to get a commitment from them despite our clerk going above and beyond in trying to accommodate them. We’re having difficulties with them.”
MPs on the OGGO, without any explanation, were told that a GC Strategies executive “routinely boasted he and his friends, senior government officials with contracting authority, have ‘dirt on each other.’”
Since 2022, GC Strategies has received some $44 million in federal contracts.
Last year LifeSiteNews reported on how during a parliamentary investigation into the misuse of funds used to create the ArriveCAN travel app, Canada’s chief federal technology officer was threatened with contempt of Parliament charges for refusing to give clear answers to questions from MPs regarding his involvement with the much-maligned app.
ArriveCAN was introduced in April 2020 by the Liberal government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and made mandatory in November 2020. The app was used by the federal government to track the COVID jab status of those entering the country and enforce quarantines when deemed necessary.
When the app was mandated, all travelers entering Canada had to use it to submit their travel and contact information as well as any COVID vaccination details before crossing the border or boarding a flight.
In October 2021, Trudeau announced unprecedented COVID-19 jab mandates for all federal workers and those in the transportation sector and said the unjabbed will no longer be able to travel by air, boat, or train, both domestically and internationally.
This policy resulted in thousands losing their jobs or being placed on leave for non-compliance.
Trudeau “suspended” the COVID travel vaccine mandates on June 20, 2022. Last October, the Canadian federal government ended all remaining COVID mandates in Canada regarding travel, including masking on planes and trains, COVID testing, and allowing vaccine-free Canadians to no longer be subject to mandatory quarantine.
Over 700 vaccine-free Canadians negatively affected by federal COVID jab dictates have banded together to file a multimillion-dollar class-action lawsuit against the federal government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.
When the Carney government’s honeymoon is over, and its missteps on a variety of fronts become more evident, the search will begin in earnest for “alternatives”. Looking ahead, what might such alternatives be?
On the fiscal front, the recent federal budget gets off on the wrong foot by attributing Canada’s economic woes to major global events and Trump’s tariffs, without in any way acknowledging the consequences of a decade of mismanagement by the Trudeau regime. The budget also still contains references to Net Zero on the climate change front, a Carney fixation. What an alternative budget might look like is a discussion for the weeks ahead, but it might begin by calling for a federal commitment to an alternative Net Zero: Federal Expenditures Minus Federal Revenues to Equal Zero by 2030.
Balancing the federal budget will require a major downsizing of the massive federal bureaucracy. But the downsizing method chosen by the Carney government is an old and unimaginative approach which simply doesn’t work – charging the bureaucracy itself to define and implement its own downsizing[1]. The alternative? Establishing a completely independent outside agency to tackle the task – an improved Canadianized version of Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) or its UK version as being developed by Reform UK.
On the economic front and the need for industrial projects to stimulate an economic recovery, the Carney government predictably puts its faith in its own ability to pick winners and losers, and in a government-run Major Projects Office to guide the winners. A better alternative? Issue a Request for Proposals from the private sector leaders of Canada’s key industrial sectors – especially those in the natural resource sectors which are Canada’s greatest strength – to identify what the market place and the investment community, not politicians and bureaucrats, believe to be the most stimulative and urgently required projects and the conditions for advancing them. Not surprisingly, one of the main conditions will likely be for an over-regulating over-taxing federal government to “get out of the way”.
On the national unity front, federal-provincial relations are being strained to the breaking point by major federal intrusions in areas of provincial jurisdiction, fueling secessions movements in both Quebec and western Canada. The alternative? A federal Act Respecting Provincial Sovereignty which repeals or amends those statutes authorizing such intrusions in areas the constitution clearly assigns to the provinces – natural resources, health, municipal governance, property and civil rights – to eliminate or reduce federal intrusiveness. Insist also that both levels of government “stay in their lanes”, with the federal government focusing on improving its performance in those areas where no one disputes its jurisdiction or responsibility – foreign affairs, trade and commerce, indigenous affairs, defense, and monetary policy.
Then there is the tariff front where US tariffs and Canada’s erratic and ineffective responses are raising prices and killing jobs, as tariff wars always do, while seriously damaging Canada-US relations. Mr. Carney’s approach has been to first impose counter-tariffs and then withdraw them – elbows up then elbows down – while engaging sporadically in high-level elite-to-elite talks in Washington.
The alternative? Be advised, and be accompanied to Washington, by deal-making representatives of the sectors which the US most needs to become energy self-sufficient – one of Trump’s main objectives. Begin to seek the support of Trump’s constituency for tariff-modification policies – on Main Street not Wall street and in Middle not Washington America – the people Trump must listen to in order to satisfy and maintain his political base. Communicate with that constituency through the independent US media and the Rogan-Carlson-Shapiro media that Trump’s constituency talks and listens to. And begin to ally Canadians more closely with American friends and associates seeking to ensure that more tariff-modifying Republicans are elected to the US Congress in the 2026 Congressional elections.
On the leadership front, more and more Canadians are becoming disillusioned with the “one man show” style of political leadership – first from Justin Trudeau and now Mark Carney – self-absorbed politicians who want to be “the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral, just as long as all eyes are upon them”.
The Budget is the Carney Budget, with Finance Minister Champagne merely the budget speech reader. It is Mr. Carney who goes to Washington and gets the photo ops, with Minister LeBlanc, listed as the Minister Responsible for Canada-US Trade, merely carrying the suitcases. It is Mr. Carney who announces the Big Projects and must even participate in the Grey Cup coin toss, notwithstanding the boos of the crowd who came to watch football not political posturing.
The Alternative? A visible, competent Leadership Team at the federal level, with the PM as the captain but visibly surrounded by strong, regional, and sectoral lieutenants with executive experience – Mackenize King’s War Cabinet a possible model to emulate.
Finally, a key question – who will forcefully and effectively represent these alternatives in the federal political arena? Could it be the current Leader of the Official Opposition? If in the days ahead, he were to become more than the Leader of the Opposition but Leader of the Official Alternative, could he not yet become the Leader of the Alternative Government Canada so desperately needs?
[1] The Comprehensive Expenditure Review described in the recent federal budget asked “federal departments and agencies” to conduct a thorough review of their own organizations, programs, and activities – subject to numerous politically motivated limitations – and under the ultimate supervision of politicians – a Cabinet Committee and the Prime Minister. (Budget 2025, page207)
Prince Rupert Port Authority CEO Shaun Stevenson. Photo courtesy Prince Rupert Port Authority
From the Canadian Energy Centre
A strategic gateway to the world
Tucked into the north coast of B.C. is the deepest natural harbour in North America and the port with the shortest travel times to Asia.
With growing capacity for exports including agricultural products, lumber, plastic pellets, propane and butane, it’s no wonder the Port of Prince Rupert often comes up as a potential new global gateway for oil from Alberta, said CEO Shaun Stevenson.
Thanks to its location and natural advantages, the port can efficiently move a wide range of commodities, he said.
That could include oil, if not for the federal tanker ban in northern B.C.’s coastal waters.
The Port of Prince Rupert on the north coast of British Columbia. Photo courtesy Prince Rupert Port Authority
“Notwithstanding the moratorium that was put in place, when you look at the attributes of the Port of Prince Rupert, there’s arguably no safer place in Canada to do it,” Stevenson said.
“I think that speaks to the need to build trust and confidence that it can be done safely, with protection of environmental risks. You can’t talk about the economic opportunity before you address safety and environmental protection.”
Safe Transit at Prince Rupert
About a 16-hour drive from Vancouver, the Port of Prince Rupert’s terminals are one to two sailing days closer to Asia than other West Coast ports.
The entrance to the inner harbour is wider than the length of three Canadian football fields.
The water is 35 metres deep — about the height of a 10-storey building — compared to 22 metres at Los Angeles and 16 metres at Seattle.
Shipmasters spend two hours navigating into the port with local pilot guides, compared to four hours at Vancouver and eight at Seattle.
“We’ve got wide open, very simple shipping lanes. It’s not moving through complex navigational channels into the site,” Stevenson said.
A Port on the Rise
The Prince Rupert Port Authority says it has entered a new era of expansion, strengthening Canada’s economic security.
The port estimates it anchors about $60 billion of Canada’s annual global trade today. Even without adding oil exports, Stevenson said that figure could grow to $100 billion.
“We need better access to the huge and growing Asian market,” said Heather Exner-Pirot, director of energy, natural resources and environment at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.
“Prince Rupert seems purpose-built for that.”
Roughly $3 billion in new infrastructure is already taking shape, including the $750 million rail-to-container CANXPORT transloading complex for bulk commodities like specialty agricultural products, lumber and plastic pellets.
The Ridley Island Propane Export Terminal, Canada’s first marine propane export terminal, started shipping in May 2019. Photo courtesy AltaGas Ltd.
Canadian Propane Goes Global
A centrepiece of new development is the $1.35-billion Ridley Energy Export Facility — the port’s third propane terminal since 2019.
“Prince Rupert is already emerging as a globally significant gateway for propane exports to Asia,” Exner-Pirot said.
Thanks to shipments from Prince Rupert, Canadian propane – primarily from Alberta – has gone global, no longer confined to U.S. markets.
More than 45 per cent of Canada’s propane exports now reach destinations outside the United States, according to the Canada Energy Regulator.
“Twenty-five per cent of Japan’s propane imports come through Prince Rupert, and just shy of 15 per cent of Korea’s imports. It’s created a lift on every barrel produced in Western Canada,” Stevenson said.
“When we look at natural gas liquids, propane and butane, we think there’s an opportunity for Canada via Prince Rupert becoming the trading benchmark for the Asia-Pacific region.”
That would give Canadian production an enduring competitive advantage when serving key markets in Asia, he said.
Deep Connection to Alberta
The Port of Prince Rupert has been a key export hub for Alberta commodities for more than four decades.
Through the Alberta Heritage Savings Trust Fund, the province invested $134 million — roughly half the total cost — to build the Prince Rupert Grain Terminal, which opened in 1985.
The largest grain terminal on the West Coast, it primarily handles wheat, barley, and canola from the prairies.
The Prince Rupert Grain Terminal. Photo courtesy Prince Rupert Port Authority
Today, the connection to Alberta remains strong.
In 2022, $3.8 billion worth of Alberta exports — mainly propane, agricultural products and wood pulp — were shipped through the Port of Prince Rupert, according to the province’s Ministry of Transportation and Economic Corridors.
In 2024, Alberta awarded a $250,000 grant to the Prince Rupert Port Authority to lead discussions on expanding transportation links with the province’s Industrial Heartland region near Edmonton.
Handling Some of the World’s Biggest Vessels
The Port of Prince Rupert could safely handle oil tankers, including Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs), Stevenson said.
“We would have the capacity both in water depth and access and egress to the port that could handle Aframax, Suezmax and even VLCCs,” he said.
“We don’t have terminal capacity to handle oil at this point, but there’s certainly terminal capacities within the port complex that could be either expanded or diversified in their capability.”
Market Access Lessons From TMX
Like propane, Canada’s oil exports have gained traction in Asia, thanks to the expanded Trans Mountain pipeline and the Westridge Marine Terminal near Vancouver — about 1,600 kilometres south of Prince Rupert, where there is no oil tanker ban.
The Trans Mountain expansion project included the largest expansion of ocean oil spill response in Canadian history, doubling capacity of the West Coast Marine Response Corporation.
The K.J. Gardner is the largest-ever spill response vessel in Canada. Photo courtesy Western Canada Marine Response Corporation
The Canada Energy Regulator (CER) reports that Canadian oil exports to Asia more than tripled after the expanded pipeline and terminal went into service in May 2024.
As a result, the price for Canadian oil has gone up.
The gap between Western Canadian Select (WCS) and West Texas Intermediate (WTI) has narrowed to about $12 per barrel this year, compared to $19 per barrel in 2023, according to GLJ Petroleum Consultants.
Each additional dollar earned per barrel adds about $280 million in annual government royalties and tax revenues, according to economist Peter Tertzakian.
The Road Ahead
There are likely several potential sites for a new West Coast oil terminal, Stevenson said.
“A pipeline is going to find its way to tidewater based upon the safest and most efficient route,” he said.
“The terminal part is relatively straightforward, whether it’s in Prince Rupert or somewhere else.”
Under Canada’s Marine Act, the Port of Prince Rupert’s mandate is to enable trade, Stevenson said.
“If Canada’s trade objectives include moving oil off the West Coast, we’re here to enable it, presuming that the project has a mandate,” he said.
“If we see the basis of a project like this, we would ensure that it’s done to the best possible standard.”
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