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Government Subsidies and the Oil and Gas Industry

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8 minute read

The Audit

 

 David Clinton

A look at Strathcona Resources Ltd.

Does the Canadian government subsidize companies operating in our oil and gas sector? According to research by science and technology journalist Emily Chung, between $4.5 billion and $81 billion of public funds are spent each year for assistance to the industry. But Chung notes how ambiguous definitions (what exactly is a subsidy?) mean that those numbers come with serious caveats.

I thought I’d make this discussion a bit more manageable by focusing on just one industry player: Strathcona Resources Ltd.

Strathcona is big. They produce around 185,000 barrels of oil equivalent each day and the company is currently ranked 98th among publicly traded companies in Canada in terms of market cap ($5 billion) and 88th for operating margin (21.59%).

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What Is a Subsidy?

In the context of their report on the fossil fuel industry, the Department of Finance Canada asserts that “subsidies” can include:

  • tax expenditures,
  • grants and contributions,
  • government loans or loan guarantees at favourable rates,
  • resources sold by government at below-market rates
  • research and development funding
  • government intervention in markets to lower prices

The report defines tax expenditures as:

A type of tax measure, such as a preferential tax rate, exemption, deduction, deferral, or credit, with which the government aims to achieve public policy objectives through the tax system.

In the specific context of Strathcona, I could find no evidence that they’d received any direct public funding or “bailouts”. The government did recently announce a billion dollar partnership with the Canada Growth Fund (CGF) to build carbon capture and sequestration infrastructure, but that’s clearly an investment and not a subsidy. CGF is a Canadian arm’s-length crown corporation whose investments are managed by the Public Sector Pension Investment Board.

Strathcona’s 2023 Annual Report includes a reference to only one loan liability, but that had already been paid off and, in any case, wasn’t guaranteed by any level of government.

What Tax Benefits Does Strathcona Receive?

Many. The company’s annual report discusses its $6.1 billion “tax pool”. The pool is made up of deductions and credits that it can’t use this year, but that can be deferred for use in future years. Here’s how those break down:

The “Other Tax Deductions” item includes the Scientific Research and Experimental Development (SRED) deduction. That represents amounts spent on SRED-eligible research that companies can deduct from their payable taxes.

What Grant Funding Does Strathcona Receive?

Open Government data reports that only two federal grants were awarded to Strathcona, both in 2023. The first, worth $3.2 million, came from Natural Resources Canada as part of their Energy Innovation Program. Its purpose was development of Lindbergh Semi-Closed Cycle Flue Gas Recirculation and Carbon Capture.

The second grant was worth $12.5 million. It involved Environment and Climate Change Canada looking for an Orion Organic Rankine Cycle Waste Heat Recovery and Power Generation Project.

What Benefits Do Governments Receive From Strathcona?

Government subsidies don’t exist in a vacuum. As a rule, it’s assumed that subsidies to the private sector work as an investment whose primary payback is in profitable economic activity. Governments can also enjoy direct benefits.

In 2023, for example, Strathcona paid more than $405 million in crown royalties to provincial governments. They also spent $2.4 billion as operating expenses that included labor, energy costs, transportation, processing, and facility maintenance. Most of that money was spent in Canada.

A very rough estimate would suggest that total annual personal income taxes generated by people employed by Strathcona would be somewhere around $14 million. Vendors might pay another $13 million in corporate taxes.

There are also indirect benefits. For instance, those with jobs around the oil patch are, obviously, not unemployed and receiving EI benefits.

We could also take into account the larger impact Strathcona has on the general economy. Think about the food, shelter, clothing, and entertainment spending done by the families of Strathcona (and their vendors’) employees. That money, too, performs important social and economic service.

So does Strathcona receive more from government subsidies than the money they feed back into government accounts? Well, the $405 million in crown royalties are likely annual payments, as are the $27 million paid as income taxes. That’s what governments get. On the other side of the balance sheet, there is the $6.1 billion in deferred taxes and $16 million in grants. Those will probably be amortized over multiple years.

But does the word “subsidy” really describe tax benefits in any useful way? After all, there’s no company in all Canada – my own company included – that doesn’t deduct legitimate business expenses. And each and every Canadian receives similar benefits whenever they file their T1. For illustration, a Canadian whose total income happened to match the national average ($55,600) pays around $5,600 less in taxes each year due to various deductions and credits – including the basic personal amount.

Does that mean we’re all receiving government subsidies? There’s nothing wrong with thinking about it that way, but it does kind of strip the word of any real meaning.

Now you could reasonably argue that $6 billion is an awful lot of deferred tax, especially for a company with a 22% operating margin. And you could look to the tax code’s complexity for answers as to how this could have happened. But that’s not a subsidy in any coherent sense.

Think the tax code should be reformed? The line forms right behind me. However, the problem with playing around with the tax code is that changes apply to everyone, not just Strathcona or some other preferred target. Successfully anticipating how that might play out in dark and unanticipated ways isn’t the kind of thing for which governments are famous.

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Banks

Wall Street Clings To Green Coercion As Trump Unleashes American Energy

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Jason Isaac

The Trump administration’s recent move to revoke Biden-era restrictions on energy development in Alaska’s North Slope—especially in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR)—is a long-overdue correction that prioritizes American prosperity and energy security. This regulatory reset rightly acknowledges what Alaska’s Native communities have long known: responsible energy development offers a path to economic empowerment and self-determination.

But while Washington’s red tape may be unraveling, a more insidious blockade remains firmly in place: Wall Street.

Despite the Trump administration’s restoration of rational permitting processes, major banks and insurance companies continue to collude in starving projects of the capital and risk management services they need. The left’s “debanking” strategy—originally a tactic to pressure gun makers and disfavored industries—is now being weaponized against American energy companies operating in ANWR and similar regions.

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This quiet embargo began years ago, when JPMorgan Chase, America’s largest bank, declared in 2020 that it would no longer fund oil and gas development in the Arctic, including ANWR. Others quickly followed: Goldman Sachs, Wells Fargo, and Citigroup now all reject Arctic energy projects—effectively shutting down access to capital for an entire region.

Insurers have joined the pile-on. Swiss Re, AIG, and AXIS Capital all publicly stated they would no longer insure drilling in ANWR. In 2023, Chubb became the first U.S.-based insurer to formalize its Arctic ban.

These policies are not merely misguided—they are dangerous. They hand America’s energy future over to OPEC, China, and hostile regimes. They reduce competition, drive up prices, and kneecap the very domestic production that once made the U.S. energy independent.

This isn’t just a theoretical concern. I’ve experienced this discrimination firsthand.

In February 2025, The Hartford notified the American Energy Institute—an educational nonprofit I lead—that it would not renew our insurance policy. The reason? Not risk. Not claims. Not underwriting. The Hartford cited our Facebook page.

The reason for nonrenewal is we have learned from your Facebook page that your operations include Trade association involved in promoting social/political causes related to energy production. This is not an acceptable exposure under The Hartford’s Small Commercial business segment’s guidelines.”

That’s a direct quote from their nonrenewal notice.

Let’s be clear: The Hartford didn’t drop us for anything we did—they dropped us for what we believe. Our unacceptable “exposure” is telling the truth about the importance of affordable and reliable energy to modern life, and standing up to ESG orthodoxy. We are being punished not for risk, but for advocacy.

This is financial discrimination, pure and simple. What we’re seeing is the private-sector enforcement of political ideology through the strategic denial of access to financial services. It’s ESG—Environmental, Social, and Governance—gone full Orwell.

Banks, insurers, and asset managers may claim these decisions are about “climate risk,” but they rarely apply the same scrutiny to regimes like Venezuela or China, where environmental and human rights abuses are rampant. The issue is not risk. The issue is control.

By shutting out projects in ANWR, Wall Street ensures that even if federal regulators step back, their ESG-aligned agenda still moves forward—through corporate pressure, shareholder resolutions, and selective financial access. This is how ideology replaces democracy.

While the Trump administration deserves praise for removing federal barriers, the fight for energy freedom continues. Policymakers must hold financial institutions accountable for ideological discrimination and protect access to banking and insurance services for all lawful businesses.

Texas has already taken steps by divesting from anti-energy financial firms. Other states should follow, enforcing anti-discrimination laws and leveraging state contracts to ensure fair treatment.

But public pressure matters too. Americans need to know what’s happening behind the curtain of ESG. The green financial complex is not just virtue-signaling—it’s a form of economic coercion designed to override public policy and undermine U.S. sovereignty.

The regulatory shackles may be coming off, but the private-sector blockade remains. As long as banks and insurers collude to deny access to capital and risk protection for projects in ANWR and beyond, America’s energy independence will remain under threat.

We need to call out this hypocrisy. We need to expose it. And we need to fight it—before we lose not just our energy freedom, but our economic prosperity.

The Honorable Jason Isaac is the Founder and CEO of the American Energy Institute. He previously served four terms in the Texas House of Representatives.

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Automotive

Tesla Vandals Keep Running Into The Same Problem … Cameras

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Hudson Crozier

People damaging Teslas in anger toward their owners and Elon Musk aren’t picking up on the fact that the vehicles have multiple cameras capable of catching them in the act.

At least nine perpetrators have been caught on video keying, writing graffiti or otherwise defacing Tesla vehicles in parking lots across the U.S. in the month of March alone. Most have led to an arrest or warrant based partly on the footage, which Tesla’s “Sentry Mode” automatically films from the side of the unattended vehicle when it detects human activity nearby.

“Smile, you’re on camera,” Tesla warned in a March 20 X post about its Sentry Mode feature. Musk’s company has been working to upgrade Sentry Mode so that the vehicles will soon blast music at full volume when vandals attack it. The camera system, however, has not stopped an increasing number of vandals from singling out Tesla owners, usually in protest of Musk’s work in the Trump administration for the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).

One incident happened on March 29, the same day leftists coordinated protests around the country for a “Global Day of Action” against Musk. That Saturday also saw alleged instances of violence at protests. The demonstrations stemmed from an online call to action by groups such as the Disruption Project, which encourages activists to foment “uprisings,” find a “target’s” home address and other confrontational tactics.

Tesla’s press team did not respond to a request for comment.

One man allegedly caught on camera keying a Tesla SUV on March 24 apologized to the owner who confronted him in a parking lot in Pennsylvania, police and media reports said. The man faces charges of criminal mischief, harassment and disorderly conduct for allegedly carving a swastika onto the vehicle.

“I have nothing against your car, and I have nothing against you,” the suspect said while the owner filmed him in the parking lot. “Obviously, I have something against Elon Musk.” The man called his own behavior “misguided.”

The defendant’s lawyer told Fox News his “client is a proud father, long-time resident, and is currently undergoing cancer treatment” and that he would not comment publicly “pending the outcome of the case.”

One of the most aggressive acts caught by Sentry Mode was in the case of a man who drove an ATV-style vehicle into a Tesla on March 25. Texas police identified the man as Demarqeyun Marquize Cox, arrested him and said he allegedly gave two other nearby Teslas the same treatment while also writing “Elon” on them. The public defender office representing Cox did not respond to a voicemail from the Daily Caller News Foundation.

Tesla cameras also caught three other people in FloridaTexas and Arizona keying and smearing bubble gum on the vehicles in March. The three suspects named by police do not have attorneys listed in county records available for contact.

Many of the vandalism cases since Trump’s return have reportedly caused thousands of dollars in damage for individual owners. For example, the bubble gum incident in Florida brought $2,623.66 in costs, while another keying incident in Minnesota brought $3,200.

Some reported attacks on Tesla vehicles and chargers have gotten the attention of federal law enforcement, including cases of alleged firebombing or shooting.

Two other suspected vandals in New York, one in Minnesota and one in Mississippi have reportedly avoided arrest for now — with one owner declining to press charges — but were all seen on the Teslas’ cameras scratching up the vehicles. Police identified the Mississippi suspect as an illegal migrant from Cuba.

One Tesla owner in North Dakota ridiculed a man who allegedly carved the letter “F” into his Cybertruck in a Costco parking lot — as seen on the Cybertruck’s camera. The defendant faces charges of criminal mischief, and county records say he is representing himself in court.

“I can’t believe this guy is potentially ruining his life to follow a political ideology,” the owner told WDAY News.

“If you’re going to vandalize these vehicles, you’re going to get caught,” the owner said.

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