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Alberta

Fraser Institute says Albertans should get annual dividend to promote Heritage Fund

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill and Joel Emes

If the government of Alberta wants to build the Heritage Fund over the longer term, it should start paying dividends to Albertans, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent non-partisan Canadian think-tank.

“The Alberta government has promised to ‘re-build’ the Heritage Fund, but it will require a consistent commitment over the long term,” said Tegan Hill, director of Alberta Policy at the Fraser Institute and co-author of An Alberta Dividend: The Key to Growing the Heritage Fund.

In 1976, the province established the Alberta’s Heritage Savings Trust Fund to save a share of the province’s resource revenues to provide ongoing benefits to Albertans. Since its creation, however, resource revenue contributions have only been made in 11 of 48 years of the fund’s existence and just 3.9 per cent of total resource revenue has been deposited to the fund over its lifetime.

Learning from Alaska’s success with its resource revenue savings fund—the Alaska Permanent Fund—the study proposes that Alberta should introduce a dividend to provincial residents to create public buy-in that generates political pressure to adhere to fiscal rules around the Heritage Fund’s operation—such as consistent resource
revenue contributions and inflation-proofing of the fund’s principal—to ensure its growth over time.

For perspective, the Permanent Fund was started the same year as Alberta’s Heritage Fund but has grown to US$78.0 billion in 2022/23—or C$88.6 billion—compared to a balance of just C$19.0 billion in Alberta’s Heritage Fund.

Using two alternatives based on Alaska, which includes mandatory 25 per cent resource revenue contributions and consistent inflation proofing of the fund’s principal, the Heritage Fund has the potential to pay each Albertan a total of $571 to $1,108 in dividends over the next three years—equivalent to $2,284 to $4,430 per family of four.

Under these rules, the Heritage Fund would be worth between $35.8 billion and $38.7 billion by 2026/27, while paying out between $2.9 billion to $5.5 billion in dividends to Albertans.

“As demonstrated in Alaska, by giving citizens an ownership share in the state’s resource fund, they demand that sound rules regarding the governance of the fund be adhered to.” said Hill.

  • The Smith government has promised to “re-build” the Heritage Fund so that eventually its earnings are significant enough to replace volatile resource revenue in the budget. While this is a worthy goal, it will require a long-term commitment.
  • Building on work from Hill, Emes, and Clemens (2021), this bulletin uses Alaska’s success with its resource revenue savings fund—the Alaska Permanent Fund—to demonstrate how the Smith government can introduce new fiscal rules to ensure growth in the Heritage Fund with a focus on the annual dividend.
  • As demonstrated in Alaska, by giving citizens ownership shares in the state resources, they recognize their vested interest and demand that the state maximizes returns from such resources. Put simply, by creating public buy-in, the dividend generates political pressure to enforce robust fiscal rules around the fund’s operation to ensure its growth.
  • Using two illustrative models based on the Alaska Permanent Fund, which includes mandatory 25 percent resource revenue contributions and consistent inflation proofing of the fund’s principal, each Albertan could be paid an estimated $148 to $297 in dividends in 2024/25, equivalent to $594 to $1,187 per family of four. From 2024/25 to 2026/27, each Albertan could receive a total of $571 to $1,108 in dividends, equivalent to $2,284 to $4,430 per family of four.
  • Under these rules, the Heritage Fund would be worth between $35.8 billion and $38.7 billion by 2026/27, while paying out between $2.9 billion to $5.5 billion in dividends to Albertans.

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Alberta

Healthcare Innovation Isn’t ‘Scary.’ Canada’s Broken System Is

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Joseph Quesnel

“Our healthcare system is a monopoly installed at every level with the culture inherent to monopolies, whether public or private. The culture is based on regulation and budgetary controls, closed to the outside world, impermeable to real change, adaptation and innovation. It is a culture that favours inefficiency.”

Why is the Globe and Mail afraid of healthcare reform that works?

The Globe and Mail editorial board seems to find healthcare innovation “scary.”

On Sept. 3, it published an editorial called “Danielle Smith has a scary fix for healthcare,” criticizing the Alberta Premier’s idea to introduce competition in the province’s health system. Premier Smith’s plan involves third-party leasing of underperforming hospitals while the government retains ownership and continues funding.

Let’s be clear: the real problem isn’t Smith’s proposal – it’s the current state of healthcare across Alberta and Canada. Sticking with the status quo of underperformance is what should truly alarm us. Rather than attacking those trying to fix a broken system, we should focus on much-needed reforms.

So, what exactly is Smith proposing? Contrary to what you may have heard, she isn’t dismantling Alberta’s universal healthcare or introducing an American style system. Yet the public sector unions – and certain media outlets – seem to jump into hysterics any time innovation is proposed, particularly when it involves private-sector competition.

Predictably, groups like Friends of Medicare, with their union ties, are quick to raise the alarm. Yet media coverage often fails to disclose this affiliation, leaving readers with the impression that their views are impartial. Take Global News’ recent coverage, for example:

In late August, Global News reporter Jasmine King presented a story on potential changes to Alberta’s healthcare system. She featured a spokesperson from Friends of Medicare, who predicted that the changes would be detrimental to the province. However, the report failed to mention that Friends of Medicare is affiliated with public sector unions and has a history of opposing any private sector involvement in healthcare. The news segment also included a statement from the dean of a medical faculty, who was critical of the proposed changes. Missing from the report were any voices in favour of healthcare innovation.

Here’s the real issue: Canada is an outlier in its resistance to competition in healthcare. Many European countries, which also have universal healthcare systems, allow private and non-profit organizations to operate hospitals. These systems function effectively without the kind of fear-mongering that dominates the Canadian debate.

Instead of fear-based comparisons to the U.S., let’s acknowledge the success stories of countries that have embraced a mixed system of healthcare delivery. But lazy, fear-driven reporting means we keep hearing the same tired arguments against change, with little context or consideration of alternatives that are working elsewhere.

It’s ironic that The Globe and Mail editorial aims to generate fear about a health care policy proposal that could, contrary to the alarmist reaction, potentially improve efficiency and care in Alberta. The only thing we truly have to fear in healthcare is the stagnation and inefficiency of the current system.

Claude Castonguay, the architect of Quebec’s Medicare system, released a report in 2008 on that province’s health system, calling for increased competition and choice in healthcare.

“In almost every other public and private areas, monopolies are simply not accepted,” he wrote. “Our healthcare system is a monopoly installed at every level with the culture inherent to monopolies, whether public or private. The culture is based on regulation and budgetary controls, closed to the outside world, impermeable to real change, adaptation and innovation. It is a culture that favours inefficiency.”

The fear of competition is misguided, and Canadians are increasingly open to the idea of paying for private treatment when the public system falls short.

Let’s stop demonizing those who propose solutions and start addressing the real issue: a system that is no longer delivering the care Canadians need. The future of healthcare depends on embracing innovation, not clinging to outdated models and misplaced fears.

Joseph Quesnel is a Senior Research Fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Alberta

Involvement of non-governmental health operators could boost access to health care in Alberta, if done properly, says MEI researcher

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News release from the Montreal Economic Institute

If properly executed, the Smith government’s plans to have management of some hospitals transferred to independent operators could help improve access to health care, according to a researcher at the Montreal Economic Institute.

“The wait times that have become characteristic of Alberta’s and Canada’s health systems are amongst the longest in the developed world,” explains Krystle Wittevrongel, director of research at the MEI. “When we look at European countries that perform better on access to care than we do, the existence of competition between care providers is the norm.”

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has announced plans to introduce competition to the province’s health care system by transferring authority over hospital management to non-governmental health operators.

The move is intended to drive better performance from Alberta Health Services.

A recent MEI publication found that autonomous not-for-profit hospitals tend to perform better than their government-run peers, as seen in Germany, France and the Netherlands.

However, according to the researcher two key ingredients are necessary for the model to function effectively.

The first is managerial autonomy, which has been shown to help bring decision-making closer to front-line health professionals and lead to faster and more efficient adaptation to changing health needs in a region.

The second ingredient is the reliance on an activity-based funding model in which a hospital receives a set amount of money for each treatment carried out within its walls. Under this system, Wittevrongel says, each additional patient treated represents an immediate source of revenue for the facility.

Under the current funding model, hospitals receive a fixed budgetary envelope every year, which they then spend on patient treatment over the course of the following twelve months. Since every new patient is a source of cost, this often leads to rationing of services, explains the researcher.

“With the right incentives and competition, our province’s hospitals could treat more patients than they do now,” notes Ms. Wittevrongel. “By introducing such competition, the Smith government is taking a step in the right direction.

“It just needs to make sure it enacts the right incentives for this reform to reach its full potential and increase access to care in the way Albertans want and deserve.”

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The MEI is an independent public policy think tank with offices in Montreal and Calgary. Through its publications, media appearances, and advisory services to policymakers, the MEI stimulates public policy debate and reforms based on sound economics and entrepreneurship.

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