Economy
Feds can’t say which regulations to cut greenhouse gas emissions are working: audit
Environment Commissioner Jerry DeMarco speaks during a news conference in Ottawa, Tuesday, April 26, 2022. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld
Ottawa
Environment Commissioner Jerry DeMarco says the federal government doesn’t know how well its regulations are working to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions.
One of his spring audits issued today looks at five regulations intent on reducing emissions from cars and trucks, power plants and oil and gas production.
DeMarco says while Environment and Climate Change Canada used scientific modelling to estimate how many emissions each of the regulations would eliminate, it did not measure or report whether it was actually happening.
DeMarco says that means the government simply doesn’t know if the policies it’s enforcing are actually working.
Canada’s overall emissions have fallen in recent years, but the department told him it is difficult to determine how much can be attributed to individual policies because some of them overlap.
While emissions from electricity generation have fallen in recent years, those coming from vehicles and the oil and gas industry have both increased.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published April 20, 2023.
Business
Trump Reportedly Shuts Off Flow Of Taxpayer Dollars Into World Trade Organization

From theĀ Daily Caller News Foundation
By Thomas English
The Trump administration has reportedly suspended financial contributions to the World Trade Organization (WTO) as of Thursday.
The decision comes as part of a broader shift by President Donald Trump to distance the U.S. from international institutions perceived to undermine American sovereignty or misallocate taxpayer dollars. U.S. funding for both 2024 and 2025 has been halted, amounting to roughly 11% of the WTOās annual operating budget, with the organizationās total 2024 budget amounting to roughly $232 million,Ā accordingĀ to Reuters.
āWhy is it that China, for decades, and with a population much bigger than ours, is paying a tiny fraction of [dollars] to The World Health Organization, The United Nations and, worst of all, The World Trade Organization, where they are considered a so-called ādeveloping countryā and are therefore given massive advantages over The United States, and everyone else?ā Trump wrote in May 2020.
The president has long criticized the WTO for what he sees as judicial overreach and systemic bias against the U.S. in trade disputes. Trump previously paralyzed the organizationās top appeals body in 2019 by blocking judicial appointments, rendering the WTOās core dispute resolution mechanism largely inoperative.
But a major sticking point continues to be Chinaās continued classification as a ādeveloping countryā at the WTO ā a designation that entitles Beijing to a host of special trade and financial privileges. Despite being the worldās second-largest economy, China receives extended compliance timelines, reduced dues and billions in World Bank loans usually reserved for poorer nations.
The Wilson Center, an international affairs-oriented think tank,Ā previously slammedĀ the status as an outdated loophole benefitting an economic superpower at the expense of developed democracies. The Trump administration echoed this criticism behind closed doors during WTO budget meetings in early March, according to Reuters.
The U.S. is reportedly not withdrawing from the WTO outright, but the funding freeze is likely to trigger diplomatic and economic groaning.Ā WTO rulesĀ allow for punitive measures against non-paying member states, though the bodyās weakened legal apparatus may limit enforcement capacity.
Trump has already withdrawn from the World Health Organization, slashed funds to the United Nations and signaled a potential exit from other global bodies he deems āunfairā to U.S. interests.
2025 Federal Election
Fool Me Once: The Cost of CarneyāTrudeau Tax Games

Sam Cooper
By providing advance notice, the government effectively lit a starting pistol for investors: sell now or face a higher tax later. And sell they did…Ā The result was a short-term windfall for Ottawa.
Was it just a cynical shell game?
Last year, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced a major capital gains tax hike, only to delay its implementation ā a move that triggered a flurry of asset sales before the higher tax could take effect. That maneuver temporarily swelled federal coffers and made the 2024ā25 fiscal outlook appear stronger, although Trudeau is no longer around to capture the political benefits.
As it turns out, his successor, Mark Carney, has been able to swoop in and campaign in Canadaās snap election on the back of reversing the very same tax hike. This sequence ā proposal, delay, revenue spike, and cancellation ā raises serious questions about the Liberal Partyās credibility on tax fairness and economic stewardship. And it adds a thick layer of irony that Mr. Carney, in his previous role at investment giant Brookfield, reportedly helped position tens of billions in green investment funds through offshore tax havens like Bermuda ā a practice that appears starkly at odds with the Liberal campaignās rhetoric on corporate taxation and fairness.
In April 2024, the Trudeau government unveiled plans to raise the capital gains inclusion rate ā the portion of profit from asset sales that is taxable ā from 50% to 66.7% for individuals and businesses earning over $250,000 in gains annually. The change, part of the spring budget, was set to take effect on June 25, 2024. By providing advance notice, the government effectively lit a starting pistol for investors: sell now or face a higher tax later.
And sell they did.
In the weeks leading up to the June deadline, Canadians rushed to lock in gains under the lower rate. Some sold off stocks, others divested investment properties ā even treasured family cottages ā to beat the looming hike. The result was a short-term windfall for Ottawa. Capital gains that might otherwise have been realized gradually over years were instead pushed into a single quarter.
In fact, the prospect alone of the June 25 change was projected to generate C$10.3 billion in additional revenue over two fiscal years ā an eye-popping sum from a tax policy that, in the end, was never enacted. This fire-sale effect temporarily inflated federal revenues and painted a rosier picture of the Liberalsā fiscal management than reality would suggest.
Critics say this was no accident.
āIt was used to plug a fiscal hole, not because there was some grand strategy on tax policy,āĀ saidĀ Sahir Khan, of the University of Ottawaās Institute of Fiscal Studies and Democracy, pointing to the $20 billion budget overshoot from the previous year.
It was a play that appears unprecedented, potentially financially recklessāand, in the context of Canadaās high-stakes snap electionāperhaps politically manipulative. On the face of it, this gambit provided short-term budgetary reliefāa sugar high for Ottawaās ledgersāwhile any pain would be borne by Canadians cashing out investments early or by future governments left with a revenue hole once the rush subsided.
To better understand the economic impact, I reached out to Victoria-based fund manager Kevin Burkett, whose firm Burkett Asset Management manages $500 million and advises Canadian clients.
“Most major tax changes announced in a federal budget take effect immediately to prevent taxpayers from planning around them,ā Burkett told me. āHowever, this budget introduced a nine-week delay, widely seen as an opportunity to sell assets before higher tax rates applied. In reviewing both the benefits and risks with our clients, those who chose to sell early are understandably frustrated by recent announcements as they’ve now prepaid taxes unnecessarily.ā
I asked Burkett whether these circumstancesāthe abrupt reversal of tax policy and the politics surrounding itāmight linger in ways we canāt yet foresee. Has some deeper confidence been shaken?
He measured his words carefully.
āEmphasis on enforcement in tax compliance overlooks the critical role of perceived fairness in maintaining trust in the system,ā the British Columbia-based financial manager told me. āIn recent years, last-minute policy changes, seemingly political, risk undermining this fairness and eroding confidence in the integrity of tax policy.ā
Good-Faith Voters Left Holding the Bag
What about those Canadians who heeded the governmentās signals? Consider the family that sold a cherished vacation property, or the entrepreneur who offloaded company shares pre-emptively to avoid a looming tax hike. Now, they find that the increase was never actually enforced. Incoming Liberal leader (and Prime Minister before the campaign writ was dropped) Mark Carney confirmed in early 2025 that the capital gains changes would not move forward at all.
Meanwhile, Ottawa has already happily counted the extra tax revenue generated from their asset sell-offs. Itās hard to escape the conclusion that these Canadians were sacrificial pawns in a larger power play. On March 21, 2025, Carneyās office formally announced the cancellation of the proposed increase to the capital gains inclusion rate, framing the reversal as a pro-investment, pro-entrepreneurship decision: āCancelling the hike in capital gains tax will catalyze investment … and incentivize builders, innovators, and entrepreneurs,ā he said.
The political subtext was clear: the new leader was distancing himself from an unpopular Trudeau-era policy, aiming to boost Liberal fortunes ahead of an election. And boost he didāpolling immediately ticked upward for the Liberals once the tax hike was shelved. Carney got to play the hero, scrapping a āwidely criticizedā proposal and casting himself as a champion of the business class.
Yet, conveniently, he also inherited the short-term fiscal boost Trudeauās gambit had generated. In effect, Trudeauās delayed tax hike handed Carney a double win: healthier-looking federal revenues in the near term, and the credit for killing the tax before it ever touched taxpayers. If that sounds orchestrated, itās because the sequence of events feels almost too politically perfect.
Add this to the layers of irony.
Carneyās rise to the Liberal leadership was accompanied by lofty rhetoric about restoring trust and fairnessāincluding tax fairness. Itās a bit rich, though, considering Carneyās own track record in the private sector on that very issue.
Before entering politics, Carney served as a vice-chair at Brookfield Asset Management, a global investment giant, where he co-led the firmās expansion into green energy. Notably, as CBC reported this week, Carney personally co-chaired two massive āGlobal Transitionā funds at Brookfieldāone launched in 2021 and another in 2024āaimed at financing the shift to a net-zero economy. These projects became marquee pillars of āBrand Carney,ā amassing roughly $25 billion from global investors and touted as a major effort to mobilize capital for the climate cause.
The financial structure of these funds tells a less high-minded story. According to documents obtained by Radio-Canada, both Brookfield Global Transition Fund I ($15B) and Fund II ($10B) were registered in Bermudaāa jurisdiction long synonymous with offshore tax advantages. In plainer terms, Mark Carney helped set up green investment vehicles that avoided the very tax burdens average Canadians shoulder.
The same kind of burdening and unburdening that defined Trudeauās capital gains rug-pull now shadows Carneyās buoyant election campaign, which has gained momentum by adopting policy positions first championed by Pierre Poilievre. Poilievre vowed to undo Trudeauās unpopular left-wing policiesāthe very ones Carney now pledges to reverse, despite their origins in his own party.
Canadians would be wise to remember the tax reversal. Fool me once, as the saying goes.
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