Business
Federal government should change course in upcoming budget to revitalize economy
From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro
From 2020 to 2030, Canada is projected to record the slowest rate of per-person GDP growth among 38 developed countries in the OECD. Simply put, Canada’s economy is stalling relative to its own past performance and other comparable countries around the world.
The Trudeau government will table its next budget on April 16, and it must address Canada’s stagnant economy. While the economy won’t turn around overnight, the government should recognize that its current policy approach isn’t working.
According to a recent Leger poll, nearly two-thirds of Canadians have a “poor” or “very poor” view of Canada’s economy. And it’s no wonder they feel this way. Canada is experiencing an economic growth crisis. From 2013 to 2022, inflation-adjusted per-person GDP (a broad measure of living standards) grew at its slowest pace since the Great Depression in the 1930s. Since the Trudeau government took office in 2015, per-person GDP (inflation-adjusted) in Canada has grown by only 1.9 per cent—nearly one-eighth the growth rate in the United States over that same period.
Moreover, from 2020 to 2030, Canada is projected to record the slowest rate of per-person GDP growth among 38 developed countries in the OECD. Simply put, Canada’s economy is stalling relative to its own past performance and other comparable countries around the world.
Why?
While there are many reasons for this slump in economic activity, consider the collapse of business investment in Canada. From 2014 to 2021, business investment per worker (excluding residential construction) fell from C$18,363 to C$14,687. In contrast, during that same period, business investment per worker in the United States grew from C$23,333 to C$26,751. In other words, Canada experienced the equivalent of a $43.7 billion decline in annual business investment while the U.S. enjoyed a C$585.1 billion increase (all figures adjusted for inflation).
Business investment is crucial for economic growth (and subsequent increased living standards) because it provides the resources needed to equip workers with tools and technology, for businesses to expand operations and become more productive, and for new businesses to enter the market. This in turn fuels innovation and productivity, which are key determinants of living standards.
Which brings us back to the Trudeau government. The collapse of business investment in Canada has been due in part to recent federal policy including Bill C-69, which introduced new and costly assessment criteria for energy projects, Bill C-48, which restricts tanker traffic off British Columbia’s north coast, and the forthcoming emissions cap on oil and gas, which will increase the cost of doing business in Canada.
Clearly, Ottawa has thrown up stiff regulatory barriers that deter investment in Canada’s energy and mining sectors. According to a 2023 survey of oil and gas executives, more than two-thirds of respondents viewed Canada’s regulatory environment as a deterrent to investment. And on the fiscal front, a string of deficits and massive debt accumulation create uncertainty around future tax increases, which gives investors another reason to take their money elsewhere.
Finally, the Trudeau government also believes that government should play an active role in the economy by handing out corporate welfare and subsidies to favoured industries and firms (i.e. electric vehicle battery industry). But when government tries to pick winners and losers in the market, it may actually inhibit rather than help the economy. Instead, the government should leave decisions in the free market to the investors, businessowners and entrepreneurs who have firsthand knowledge of their industries and businesses.
The Trudeau government has done little to promote economic growth and raise living standards for Canadians. While it will take time to turn things around, in its upcoming budget the government should finally change course and help revitalize the Canadian economy.
Authors:
Business
Opposition leader Poilievre calling for end of prorogation to deal with Trump’s tariffs
From Conservative Party Communications
The Hon. Pierre Poilievre, Leader of the Conservative Party of Canada and the Official Opposition, released the following statement on the threat of tariffs from the US:
“Canada is facing a critical challenge. On February 1st we are facing the risk of unjustified 25% tariffs by our largest trading partner that would have damaging consequences across our country. Our American counterparts say they want to stop the illegal flow of drugs and other criminal activity at our border. The Liberal government admits their weak border is a problem. That is why they announced a multibillion-dollar border plan—a plan they cannot fund because they shut down Parliament, preventing MPs and Senators from authorizing the funds.
“We also need retaliatory tariffs, something that requires urgent Parliamentary consideration.
“Yet, Liberals have shut Parliament in the middle of this crisis. Canada has never been so weak, and things have never been so out of control. Liberals are putting themselves and their leadership politics ahead of the country. Freeland and Carney are fighting for power rather than fighting for Canada.
“Common Sense Conservatives are calling for Trudeau to reopen Parliament now to pass new border controls, agree on trade retaliation and prepare a plan to rescue Canada’s weak economy.
“The Prime Minister has the power to ask the Governor General to cut short prorogation and get our Parliament working.
“Open Parliament. Take back control. Put Canada First.”
Business
Trump, taunts and trade—Canada’s response is a decade out of date
From the Fraser Institute
Canadian federal politicians are floundering in their responses to Donald Trump’s tariff and annexation threats. Unfortunately, they’re stuck in a 2016 mindset, still thinking Trump is a temporary aberration who should be disdained and ignored by the global community. But a lot has changed. Anyone wanting to understand Trump’s current priorities should spend less time looking at trade statistics and more time understanding the details of the lawfare campaigns against him. Canadian officials who had to look up who Kash Patel is, or who don’t know why Nathan Wade’s girlfriend finds herself in legal jeopardy, will find the next four years bewildering.
Three years ago, Trump was on the ropes. His first term had been derailed by phony accusations of Russian collusion and a Ukrainian quid pro quo. After 2020, the Biden Justice Department and numerous Democrat prosecutors devised implausible legal theories to launch multiple criminal cases against him and people who worked in his administration. In summer 2022, the FBI raided Mar-a-Lago and leaked to the press rumours of stolen nuclear codes and theft of government secrets. After Trump announced his candidacy in 2022, he was hit by wave after wave of indictments and civil suits strategically filed in deep blue districts. His legal bills soared while his lawyers past and present battled well-funded disbarment campaigns aimed at making it impossible for him to obtain counsel. He was assessed hundreds of millions of dollars in civil penalties and faced life in prison if convicted.
This would have broken many men. But when he was mug-shotted in Georgia on Aug. 24, 2023, his scowl signalled he was not giving in. In the 11 months from that day to his fist pump in Butler, Pennsylvania, Trump managed to defeat and discredit the lawfare attacks, assemble and lead a highly effective campaign team, knock Joe Biden off the Democratic ticket, run a series of near daily (and sometimes twice daily) rallies, win over top business leaders in Silicon Valley, open up a commanding lead in the polls and not only survive an assassination attempt but turn it into an image of triumph. On election day, he won the popular vote and carried the White House and both Houses of Congress.
It’s Trump’s world now, and Canadians should understand two things about it. First, he feels no loyalty to domestic and multilateral institutions that have governed the world for the past half century. Most of them opposed him last time and many were actively weaponized against him. In his mind, and in the thinking of his supporters, he didn’t just defeat the Democrats, he defeated the Republican establishment, most of Washington including the intelligence agencies, the entire corporate media, the courts, woke corporations, the United Nations and its derivatives, universities and academic authorities, and any foreign governments in league with the World Economic Forum. And it isn’t paranoia; they all had some role in trying to bring him down. Gaining credibility with the new Trump team will require showing how you have also fought against at least some of these groups.
Second, Trump has earned the right to govern in his own style, including saying whatever he wants. He’s a negotiator who likes trash-talking, so get used to it and learn to decode his messages.
When Trump first threatened tariffs, he linked it to two demands: stop the fentanyl going into the United States from Canada and meet our NATO spending targets. We should have done both long ago. In response, Trudeau should have launched an immediate national action plan on military readiness, border security and crackdowns on fentanyl labs. His failure to do so invited escalation. Which, luckily, only consisted of taunts about annexation. Rather than getting whiny and defensive, the best response (in addition to dealing with the border and defence issues) would have been to troll back by saying that Canada would fight any attempt to bring our people under the jurisdiction of the corrupt U.S. Department of Justice, and we will never form a union with a country that refuses to require every state to mandate photo I.D. to vote and has so many election problems as a result.
As to Trump’s complaints about the U.S. trade deficit with Canada, this is a made-in-Washington problem. The U.S. currently imports $4 trillion in goods and services from the rest of the world but only sells $3 trillion back in exports. Trump looks at that and says we’re ripping them off. But that trillion-dollar difference shows up in the U.S. National Income and Product Accounts as the capital account balance. The rest of the world buys that much in U.S. financial instruments each year, including treasury bills that keep Washington functioning. The U.S. savings rate is not high enough to cover the federal government deficit and all the other domestic borrowing needs. So the Americans look to other countries to cover the difference. Canada’s persistent trade surplus with the U.S. ($108 billion in 2023) partly funds that need. Money that goes to buying financial instruments can’t be spent on goods and services.
So the other response to the annexation taunts should be to remind Trump that all the tariffs in the world won’t shrink the trade deficit as long as Congress needs to borrow so much money each year. Eliminate the budget deficit and the trade deficit will disappear, too. And then there will be less money in D.C. to fund lawfare and corruption. Win-win.
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