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Enough talk, we need to actually do something about Canadian health care

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12 minute read

From the Macdonald Laurier Institute

By J. Edward Les for Inside Policy

Canada spends more on health care as a percentage of GDP than almost all other OECD countries, yet we rank behind most of them when it comes to outcomes that matter.

I drove a stretch of road near Calgary’s South Health Campus the other day, a section with a series of three intersections in a span of less than a few hundred metres. That is, I tried to drive it – but spent far more time idling than moving.

At each intersection, after an interminable wait, the light turned green just as the next one flipped to red, grinding traffic to a halt just after it got rolling. It was excruciating; I’m quite sure I spied a snail on crutches racing by – no doubt making a beeline (snail-line?) for the ER a stone’s throw away.

The street’s sluggishness is perhaps reflective of the hospital next to it, given that our once-cherished universal health care system has crumbled into a universal waiting system – a system seemingly crafted (like that road) to obstruct flow rather than enable it. In fact, the pace of medical care delivery in this country has become so glacial that even a parking lot by comparison feels like the Indianapolis Speedway.

The health care crisis grows more dire by the day. Reforms are long overdue. Canada spends more on health care as a percentage of GDP than almost all other OECD countries, yet we rank behind most of them when it comes to outcomes that matter.

And we’re paying with our lives: according to the Canadian Institute for Health Information, thousands of Canadians die each and every year because of the inefficiencies of our system.

Yet for all that we are paralyzed by the enormity and complexity of the mushrooming disaster. We talk about solutions – and then we talk and talk some more. But for all the talking, precious little action is taken.

I’m reminded of an Anne Lamotte vignette, related in her bestselling book Bird By Bird:

Thirty years ago my older brother, who was ten years old at the time, was trying to get a report written on birds that he’d had three months to write, which was due the next day. We were out at our family cabin in Bolinas, and he was at the kitchen table close to tears, surrounded by binder paper and pencils and unopened books about birds, immobilized by the hugeness of the task ahead. Then my father sat down beside him, put his arm around my brother’s shoulder, and said, “Bird by bird, buddy. Just take it bird by bird.”

So it is with Canadian health care: we’ve wasted years wringing our hands about the woeful state of affairs, while doing precious little about it.

Enough procrastinating. It’s time to tackle the crisis, bird by bird.

One thing we can do is to let doctors be doctors.  A few weeks ago, in a piece titled “Should Doctors Mind Their Own Business?”, I questioned the customary habit of doctors hanging out their shingles in small independent community practices. Physicians spend long years of training to master their craft, years during which they receive no training in business methods whatsoever, and then we expect them to master those skills off to the side of their exam rooms. Some do it well, but many do not – and it detracts from their attention to patients.

We don’t install newly minted teachers in classrooms and at the same time task them with the keeping the lights on, managing the supply chain, overseeing staffing and payroll, and all the other mechanics of running schools. Why do we expect that of doctors?

Keeping doctors embedded within large, expensive, inefficient, bureaucracy-choked hospitals isn’t the solution, either.

There’s a better way, I argued in my essay: regional medical centres – centres built and administered in partnership with the private sector.

Such centres would allow practitioners currently practicing in the community to ply their trade unencumbered by the nuts and bolts of running a business; and they would allow us to decant a host of services from hospitals, which should be reserved for what only hospitals can do: emergency services, inpatient care, surgeries, and the like.

In short, we should let doctors be doctors, and hospitals be hospitals.

To garner feedback, I dumped my musings into a couple of online physician forums to which I belong, tagged with the query: “Food for thought, or fodder for the compost bin?”

The verdict? Hands down, the compost bin.

I was a bit taken aback, initially. Offended, even – because who among us isn’t in love with their own ideas?

But it quickly became evident from my peers’ comments that I’d been misunderstood. Not because my doctor friends are dim, but because I hadn’t been clear.

When I proposed in my essay that we “leave the administration and day-to-day tasks of running those centres to business folks who know what they’re doing,” my colleagues took that to mean that doctors would be serving at the beck and call of a tranche of ill-informed government-enabled administrators – and they reacted to the notion with anaphylactic derision. And understandably so: too many of us have long and painful experience with thick layers of health care bureaucracy seemingly organized according to the Peter Principle, with people promoted to – and permanently stuck at – the level of their incompetence.

But I didn’t mean to suggest – not for a minute – that doctors shouldn’t be engaged in running these centres. I also wrote: “None of which is to suggest that doctors shouldn’t be involved, by aptitude and inclination, in influencing the set-up and management of regional centres – of course, they should.”

Of course they should. There are plenty of physicians equipped with both the skills and interest needed to administer these centres; and they should absolutely be front and centre in leading them.

But more than that: everyone should have skin in the game. All workers have the right to share in the success of an enterprise; and when they do, everybody wins.  When everyone is pulling in the same direction because everyone shares in the wins, waste and inefficiencies are rooted out like magic.

Contrast that to how hospitals are run, with scarcely anyone aware of the actual cost of the blood tests or CT scans they order or the packets of suture and gauze they rip open, and with the motivations of administrative staff, nurses, doctors, and other personnel running off in more directions than a flock of headless chickens. The capacity for waste and inefficiencies is almost limitless.

I don’t mean to suggest that the goal of regional medical centres should be to turn a profit; but fiscal prudence and economic accountability are to be celebrated, because money not wasted is money that can be allocated to enhancing patient care.

Nor do I mean to intimate that sensible resource management should be the only parameter tracked; patient outcomes and patient satisfaction are paramount.

What should government’s role be in all this? Initially, to incentivize the creation of these centres via public-private partnerships; and then, crucially, to encourage competition among them and to reward innovation and performance, with optimization of the three key metrics – patient outcomes, patient satisfaction, and economic accountability – always in focus.

No one should be mandated to work in non-hospital regional medical centres. It’s a free country (or it should be): doctors should be free to hang out their own community shingles if they wish. But if we build the model correctly, my contention is that most medical professionals will prefer to work collaboratively under one roof with a diverse group of colleagues, unencumbered by the mundanities of running a business, but also free of choking hospital bureaucracy.

I connected a couple weeks ago with the always insightful economist Jack Mintz (who is also a distinguished fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute). Mintz sits on the board of a Toronto-area hospital and sees first-hand “the problems with the lack of supply, population growth, long wait times between admission and getting a bed, emergency room overuse,” and so on.

“Something has to give,” he said. “Probably more resources but better managed. We really need major reform.”

On that we can all agree. We can’t carry on this way.

So, let’s stop idling; and let’s green-light some fixes.

As Samwise Gamgee said in The Lord of the Rings, “It’s the job that’s never started as takes longest to finish.”


Dr. J. Edward Les is a pediatrician in Calgary who writes on politics, social issues, and other matters.

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Alberta

Alberta government should reform hospital funding to help shorten wait times

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Mackenzie Moir and Alicia Kardos

Other high-performing countries with universal health care (Australia, Germany, Switzerland) use “activity-based funding.” Under this model, hospitals receive funding based on the amount of care they provide.

Earlier this year, the Alberta Medical Association sounded the alarm on “rolling surgical outages,” patients diverted to other treatment sites, and the potential capping of services at major provincial hospitals. Unfortunately, the delays these problems create aren’t new to Albertans, as patients continue to face lengthy wait times.

According to the latest data, Albertan patients faced a median wait time of 33.5 weeks in 2022 for non-emergency medical treatment, a delay that was nearly six weeks longer than the national average, and three times longer than what patients in the province experienced in 1993 (when national estimates were first published).

When broken down, the wait in Alberta includes the first 16.4 weeks it takes for a patient to see a specialist after referral from their family doctor—then a second wait of 17.2 weeks to receive treatment after seeing that specialist. And these figures don’t account for the wait to see a GP in the first place, which is a significant issue in a rapidly growing province where remain without a family doctor.

Of course, we hear the predicable calls for more money. But in reality, spending more won’t get Albertans out of this problem. In a recent comparison of high-income countries with universal coverage, Canada (in 2021) was already one of the highest spenders on health care (as a share of their economy) while having some of the fewest doctors and hospital beds (after accounting for differences in population age among countries).

And when compared to nine other high-income countries in 2020, Canadians were found to have the longest waits for medical care. Specifically, Canadians were the least likely to report waiting under four months for non-emergency surgery (at 62 per cent) compared to higher-performing countries such as Australia (72 per cent), Switzerland (94 per cent) and Germany (99 per cent).

So what’s the solution?

In a word, reform. For example, Alberta could change the way it funds hospitals. Canada’s predominant approach is to provide hospitals a set amount of money each year, regardless of the level of services provided. This means that the money hospitals receive isn’t tied to the actual number of services they provide. This discourages hospitals from providing more care because each patient represents a drain on their budget rather than an opportunity.

In contrast, many other high-performing countries with universal health care (Australia, Germany, Switzerland) use “activity-based funding.” Under this model, hospitals receive funding based on the amount of care they provide. This creates a powerful incentive for hospitals to treat more patients, because each patient represents an opportunity for the hospital to earn more money.

Quebec decided in last year to fund all of its surgical procedures using this model, and now plans to expand the model to all hospital care by 2027/28. The Smith government has also taken some steps that lay the foundation for these types of reforms. This is good news for Albertans, if reform is actually on the way.

Across Canada, despite the availability of solutions, the status quo of long waits persists. Breaking from the past can be hard, but there may be hope on the horizon for patients in Alberta’s beleaguered and poorly performing health-care system.

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Business

Time to finally privatize Canada Post

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Vincent Geloso

In the 10 years following privatization, prices for stamps and other postal services fell by 11 per cent in Austria, 15 per cent in the Netherlands and 17 per cent in Germany (adjusted for inflation). All these countries now have lower postal prices than the European average.

Canada Post wants to increase the price of a stamp by 25 cents to $1.24 to keep up with inflation and rising costs. But Canada Post has often relied on this reasoning for previous price increases since it stopped being a government department and became a Crown corporation in 1981. Since then, it’s jacked up prices every time it’s had “financial difficulties.”

The source of these difficulties has changed over time. It used to be the modernization of infrastructure, then the problems of pensions, then the rise of the Internet. The answer is, however, always the same. Prices must increase. Indeed, since 1981 stamp prices have increased 98 per cent (after adjusting for inflation). In other words, the price for stamps have increased far beyond the rate of inflation.

Why does Canada Post keep getting away with this?

Because it has a monopoly over most of the letter market in Canada. And while it competes with private companies (UPS, for example) in the parcel market, Canada Post can borrow money at much lower costs than its rivals because it is a Crown corporation ultimately backed by taxpayers. That’s a huge advantage.

Normally, a company facing losses and declining demand would innovate and reduce costs. Otherwise, it would likely be bought out by competitors or go bankrupt. However, due to its monopoly over most of the letter market, Canada Post lacks this incentive. In can simply pass the burden onto consumers by raising prices, which is exactly what it has done since the 1980s. And as a Crown corporation, it cannot be purchased by another company without express approval from Ottawa.

So, what’s the solution?

In Europe, due to a directive from the European Commission, all letters regardless of weight have been open to competition since 2013. The directive does not mandate the privatization of state-owned postal companies; it simply ends postal monopolies. Combined with local liberalization efforts before 2013, this directive has forced state-owned postal service providers to better control costs because they cannot turn to taxpayers (for subsidies) or consumers (by raising prices) to bail them out.

Some countries such as the Netherlands, Austria and Germany went further and privatized their postal operators. With privatization, the discipline of competition is combined with the discipline imposed by shareholders seeking to maximize profits and increase sales.

In the 10 years following privatization, prices for stamps and other postal services fell by 11 per cent in Austria, 15 per cent in the Netherlands and 17 per cent in Germany (adjusted for inflation). All these countries now have lower postal prices than the European average.

Predictably, postal service providers in these countries found new methods of organizing their activities, tying multiple services together to generate economies of scale, and moved fast in adopting new information and logistical technologies. Due to the incentives of competition, providers focused their efforts on controlling costs—a focus Canada Post will never achieve as long as it’s a Crown corporation with a monopoly.

If approved by federal regulators, Canada Post’s latest price increase would go into effect in January. Policymakers in Ottawa should finally put postal liberalization and privatization on the table. Otherwise, it’s only a matter of time before a new problem emerges, which Canada Post will use to justify another price increase.

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