National
Unemployment Surges as Trudeau’s Policies Wreak Havoc on the Economy

From The Opposition News Network
By Dan Knight
Let’s get real, folks. You look around, and it doesn’t take a PhD in economics to know something is seriously wrong. Unemployment’s ticking up to 6.6%, and wages? They’re not even keeping pace with inflation. Canadians are working harder than ever, yet the cost of everything—from the food you put on the table to the roof over your head—is spiraling out of control. And who’s at the wheel of this runaway train? Justin Trudeau, that’s who.
Trudeau’s government has unleashed a storm of reckless policies that are driving inflation through the roof. And what’s their solution? They’ve forced the Bank of Canada into a corner, leaving them with no choice but to keep rates above 4% interest rates at 4.25%. The result? Ordinary Canadians are feeling the squeeze like never before, struggling just to make ends meet. This isn’t some fluke; it’s a direct consequence of Trudeau’s economic mismanagement.
But here’s the kicker. While Canadians are tightening their belts, Trudeau’s government is flooding the country with immigrants, artificially inflating the GDP so they can keep funding their ridiculous green energy fantasies. That’s right. Instead of focusing on real, sustainable economic growth, Trudeau is pushing the numbers with mass immigration to cover up the economic disaster he’s created.
Think about that. You’re paying more for your groceries, your gas, your mortgage—all because Trudeau wants to make his government look good on paper. But it’s you who’s footing the bill.
Housing Crisis? That’s On Trudeau
Why can’t you afford a house anymore? Why are young families, people who grew up in this country, completely locked out of the housing market? The answer is simple—*it’s Justin Trudeau’s fault*.
Let’s be clear. The Bank of Canada has openly admitted that the housing crisis is a result of excess demand. But here’s what they’re not shouting from the rooftops: *that demand isn’t homegrown*. Trudeau’s open-door immigration policy has flooded the market, pushing housing prices through the roof. He’s not bringing in record numbers of immigrants because it’s good for Canada; he’s doing it to boost GDP artificially. The problem? That so-called “growth” is driving Canadians out of their own housing market.
You’ve got ordinary Canadians, people who’ve worked their whole lives, now completely priced out of homeownership because Trudeau has cranked up demand with his immigration policies. And while he’s busy making his numbers look good, you’re the one left without a chance to buy a home.
And what’s the solution Trudeau offers? Higher interest rates. That’s right. The Bank of Canada has been forced to keep rates above 4% (4.25%) just to cool down the mess Trudeau created. So now, not only are you dealing with sky-high prices, but the higher interest rates mean if you do somehow scrape together enough to buy a house, you’re stuck with a mortgage you can’t afford.
This isn’t just incompetence. It’s a deliberate strategy by Trudeau to artificially inflate the economy through immigration, all while making life harder for the average Canadian. This is the Trudeau legacy: inflated numbers on paper, while regular Canadians suffer in reality.
The Reality of Trudeau’s Policies
Everything costs more under Trudeau—everything. From your grocery bill to your taxes, life has gotten more expensive. But let’s not pretend this is some random economic downturn. This is the result of deliberate policies designed to make Trudeau look like he’s growing the economy. In reality, he’s burning through taxpayer dollars, and making life harder for the people who are actually *keeping this country going*—you.
And here’s the worst part: it’s not going to get better. As long as Trudeau is in charge, you’re going to keep seeing rising costs, more immigration to mask the economic stagnation, and higher interest rates making it impossible for Canadians to get ahead.
It’s time to stop pretending this is some unavoidable consequence of global forces. This is Justin Trudeau’s Canada, and the reality is, you’re being priced out of your own country.
Why Everything Costs More
Here’s the ugly truth: under Trudeau, everything costs more—much more. Groceries? Skyrocketing. Taxes? You can barely keep track of how many you’re paying. Energy bills? Forget it. These price hikes aren’t a coincidence—they’re a direct result of Trudeau’s reckless economic policies. This isn’t an accident; it’s the result of a deliberate plan to reshape Canada’s economy into some kind of climate-change fantasyland, and you’re the one paying for it.
Trudeau’s inflation problem started with his wild spending. The government kept printing and spending money, and soon enough, we had 8.1% inflation. While they love to pat themselves on the back for bringing it down to 2.5%, the reality is prices aren’t coming down. Groceries are still unaffordable. You’re paying 15-20% more for the basics like meat, vegetables, and even milk. Your wallet hasn’t seen any relief, despite their so-called victory lap.
Now, let’s talk about energy. Trudeau’s green energy agenda is a black hole sucking up billions in taxpayer dollars. Billions spent on unproven clean tech projects, and yet, have you seen your energy bills drop? Of course not. They’ve gone up. The kicker is, while Trudeau spends your money on windmills and electric buses that no one can afford, your gas and heating bills have soared. You’re being told to tighten your belt, but the government is lighting taxpayer dollars on fire.
Oh, and don’t forget taxes. Every time you turn around, there’s a new tax or an increase to an existing one. Carbon taxes, fuel taxes—everything is designed to make life more expensive. You’re paying more at the pump because of Trudeau’s so-called climate policies. Every single tax increase hits the working-class Canadian, the family just trying to get by. Meanwhile, Justin and his globalist buddies are laughing all the way to their next climate summit in a private jet.
A Trump Factor to Watch
And if you think this is bad, just wait. If Donald Trump wins re-election, Trudeau’s green pipe dream might come crashing down. Trump has promised to roll back Biden’s climate change initiatives. No more wind farms, no more billions funneled into solar power plants that never seem to get built. If Trump dismantles these climate policies, Trudeau’s entire green energy house of cards falls apart. Canada is deeply tied to U.S. climate cooperation—without it, Trudeau is left holding an empty bag. And what happens then? *You* will pay the price again as the government scrambles to find another way to fund their utopian schemes.
But it’s not just Trudeau’s climate pipe dreams that Trump could affect. Trump has been crystal clear—he’s bringing back tariffs, and Canada’s already weak GDP will take another hit. With Trudeau’s economic mismanagement, we can’t afford to take another blow. If Trump slams down new tariffs on Canadian goods, we’re looking at fewer jobs, higher prices, and an even deeper recession. Trudeau has left Canada exposed, and we’re the ones who will suffer for it.
Trudeau’s Legacy: Pain for the Average Canadian
Let’s face it—Trudeau’s legacy is one of pain for the average Canadian. He’s bloated the government, jacked up immigration numbers to artificially inflate GDP, and used that growth to justify even more spending. But who’s benefiting? Not you. Wages are stagnant, while the cost of living has gone through the roof. Why? Because the demand for everything from housing to groceries is being driven by immigration policies that Trudeau is using to fund his agenda. This isn’t about building a better Canada; it’s about maintaining the illusion of growth by bringing in more people to mask his economic failures.
Why can’t you buy a house? Because Trudeau’s open-door immigration policy has created an artificial demand for housing that has nothing to do with Canadians. The Bank of Canada has admitted it—excess demand is driving up housing costs. But here’s the kicker: this demand isn’t from Canadians trying to buy their first home. It’s from a government that’s using immigration as a crutch for economic growth that doesn’t actually exist. Meanwhile, you, the hard-working Canadian, are priced out of the market. You’re paying more, and Trudeau doesn’t care.
From taxes to groceries to housing, everything costs more under Justin Trudeau. And it’s all part of a grand scheme to push his climate agenda while using *your* hard-earned money to do it. So the next time you see your grocery bill or try to pay your heating bill, remember: this is the Canada Justin Trudeau built. How much longer can Canadians endure this? How much more can you take?
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Business
“Modernization,” They Call It: How Ottawa Redefined Fraud as Progress

When 41% of contracts break their promises, the scandal isn’t the system, it’s the spin that keeps it alive.
The House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates (OGGO) held an in-depth hearing on Tuesday examining federal contracting integrity and the growing problem of “bait and switch” tactics identified in government procurements.
Appearing before the committee were Procurement Ombudsman Alexander Jeglic and his Senior Risk Advisor, Kelly Kilrea, who briefed Members of Parliament on the findings of their office’s 2025 special report titled “Bait and Switch in Federal Contracting.” The study detailed how some companies have won multimillion-dollar federal contracts by proposing highly qualified personnel, only to replace them after the award with less experienced or lower-cost workers.
Over more than two hours of questioning, MPs from all major parties probed whether this pattern amounted to fraud, negligence, or systemic mismanagement within Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) and other departments. The Ombudsman told MPs that, while not every case involved deliberate deceit, the practice was widespread and harmful, undermining competition and eroding public trust in how taxpayer funds are spent.
“When a supplier wins a contract based on the credentials of specific experts, and those experts never perform the work, that raises serious integrity concerns,” Jeglic said. “Even without intent to deceive, the result is that the government may not receive the value it contracted for.”
The OGGO committee launched this study to scrutinize both the Procurement Ombudsman’s mandate and the findings of his most recent review into staffing substitutions under federal professional services contracts — a longstanding issue that resurfaced during the ArriveCAN controversy.
The Bait and Switch report, released in early 2025, examined 17 federal procurement files across several departments and agencies. The review revealed that in 41 percent of cases, the individuals proposed in the winning bids did not end up performing any of the contracted work. In many instances, these replacements occurred without proper documentation or departmental justification.
The problem first came to light through the Ombudsman’s separate investigation into the federal government’s ArriveCAN application, where the same pattern appeared on an even larger scale. In that review, Jeglic found that 76 percent of personnel proposed in ArriveCAN-related contracts never actually worked on the project, a statistic he described as “shockingly high.”
These findings prompted the Ombudsman to launch a broader system-wide review of whether “bait and switch” staffing practices had become entrenched in the government’s procurement culture. The 2025 report defined the practice explicitly as a scenario in which:
“A supplier secures a federal contract by proposing named individuals with particular qualifications or experience, but after contract award, substitutes them for others with lesser qualifications, without appropriate authorization or justification.”
The report stopped short of labeling the issue as fraud, since establishing intent is outside the Ombudsman’s statutory authority. However, it warned that the recurring pattern “poses a significant risk to fairness, transparency, and value for money in federal procurement.”
Jeglic told the committee that the tools to prevent this behaviour, such as contractual clauses requiring prior approval for resource changes, already existed but were not being consistently applied or enforced across departments.
As the hearing unfolded, the room divided neatly along partisan lines. Conservatives pushed hardest on accountability and possible cover-ups; Bloc Québécois MPs drilled into transparency and budget failures; and Liberal members defended the department’s response and pressed for moderation.
Each exchange revealed a very different interpretation of what the Ombudsman’s “bait and switch” report really meant.
Opposition MPs Hammer Procurement
The opposition benches came armed with pointed questions — and a tone of disbelief — as members of the Conservative Party and Bloc Québécois used Tuesday’s OGGO hearing to expose what they called a culture of impunity inside Ottawa’s contracting system.
The target wasn’t just the bureaucrats. It was the entire structure that lets contractors quietly swap qualified experts for cheaper, inexperienced staff after the ink is dry — and a federal apparatus that, even after years of warnings, still can’t stop it.
Conservatives: “They Know They Can Get Away With It”
Conservative MP Jeremy Patzer led the charge. He zeroed in on the heart of the bait-and-switch problem — companies winning bids with top-tier résumés, then cutting corners once the contract is secured.
“They know they can do it, and they know they can get away with it,” Patzer said. “Even if it’s not overt fraud, it’s systemic.”
Patzer pressed Ombudsman Alexander Jeglic on why, after years of oversight reports, nothing seems to change. He pointed to Recommendation 2 of the report, which urged the government to require that any replacement personnel match or exceed the original qualifications.
Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC), he noted, disagreed with even that.
“Why would they push back on something that simple?” he asked.
Jeglic’s answer: the department didn’t reject the idea, only where it should be implemented. It wanted the rule in contract templates, not in the overarching master agreement.
That didn’t satisfy the Conservatives. To them, the details were bureaucratic cover. The point was accountability — and the lack of it.
Patzer pressed further: could Jeglic even declare a finding of fraud if he saw one?
“No,” the Ombudsman admitted. “If we identified possible fraud, it would go to the RCMP.”
The Conservative benches shook their heads. In other words, the watchdog can bark but can’t bite.
Later in the hearing, Patzer returned, arguing that when nearly half of all reviewed contracts fail to deliver the promised experts, “something in the system isn’t working.”
“Surely some of these come close to outright fraud,” he said.
Jeglic didn’t disagree. “That would be fair,” he said, explaining that while his office couldn’t prove intent, the red flags were clear.
Tamara Jansen: “Canadians Expect Honesty and They’re Not Getting It”
Conservative Tamara Jansen picked up where Patzer left off — with sharper language. She called the entire practice “outrageous,” saying Canadians expect that when the government signs a multi-million-dollar contract, it actually gets the experts it was promised.
“This is bait and switch, plain and simple,” she said. “It violates the trust of taxpayers.”
Jansen accused departments of replacing real accountability with “policy workarounds,” referring to PSPC’s decision to stop evaluating individual qualifications altogether and instead score bids based on a company’s corporate experience.
“So now we don’t even check who’s doing the work?” she asked. “How is that improving anything?”
Jeglic explained that the change shifted procurement from a task-based model — where individual expertise is evaluated — to a solutions-based model, which focuses on the company’s proposed outcome.
That didn’t calm Jansen.
“Canadians have seen what happens when contractors get too creative,” she shot back. “We get ballooning costs, missed deadlines, no accountability — and taxpayers footing the bill.”
Her tone captured what much of the opposition was thinking: this wasn’t a one-off. It was the same pattern that produced ArriveCAN — confusion, waste, and no one taking responsibility.
Harb Gill: “Who Told You to Delete It?”
Liberal ministers weren’t the only ones on the defensive. Conservative MP Harb Gill went straight for what he called “the censorship angle.”
He cited The Globe and Mail’s reporting that government officials had asked Jeglic to remove an entire section from the Bait and Switch report — specifically the part outlining the policy’s negative impacts on small and medium-sized businesses.
“Who asked you to take it out?” Gill demanded.
Jeglic confirmed that the request came from the department itself, formally and in writing.
“They believed it was speculative and out of scope,” he said. “We disagreed.”
Gill asked whether the Ombudsman had ever faced that before.
“It’s not common,” Jeglic admitted. “Departments often suggest revisions — but full redactions are rare.”
He added that his office refused to comply and instead published both the department’s objection and his own rebuttal — verbatim — in the final report.
That exchange crystallized the opposition’s broader complaint: the bureaucracy doesn’t want scrutiny. When oversight gets too close to home, the instinct is to redact, not reform.
Bloc Québécois: “No Guarantee of Value for Money”
From the Bloc, Marie-Hélène Gaudreau framed the problem differently — as a question of public trust and fiscal responsibility.
“Can we guarantee to Quebecers and Canadians that the government is getting value for its money?” she asked in French.
Jeglic’s response was blunt:
“There’s no guarantee.”
Gaudreau pressed him on whether his small, underfunded office — operating on the same budget for 17 years — could properly monitor billions in federal spending. Jeglic said no, acknowledging “deep frustration” over his inability to expand his team despite repeatedly requesting funds.
“We have works in the queue that cannot be pursued,” he said. “Everyone understands the need — but I’ve never been successful.”
For the Bloc, that failure wasn’t just bureaucratic, it was political. Ottawa was starving its own oversight office while spending tens of billions through opaque contracts.
Liberals Defend the Swamp and Call It “Progress”
When the opposition came armed with outrage, the Liberals countered with spin — recasting what the Ombudsman called “bait and switch” as modernization.
Liberal MP Vince Gasparro downplayed the findings, calling the use of subcontractors and resource swaps “a common practice” that should continue. He even pivoted to talking about artificial intelligence, suggesting AI could “modernize” procurement — a remarkable leap of faith given Ottawa’s recent tech debacles.
Pauline Racheford went further, calling the report “thorough” and even saying she enjoyed reading it. She objected to the term bait and switch itself, insisting she didn’t see deception. Jeglic politely reminded her the term was deliberate — after years of ignored warnings, it was meant to grab attention.
Finally, Jenna Sudds moved to clean up the record. She asked if it was improper for departments to request edits to the Ombudsman’s reports. Jeglic confirmed it wasn’t — though he noted PSPC had tried to delete a full section, which his office refused.
Through it all, the Liberal message was consistent: there’s no scandal, just “evolution.”
Don’t call it bait and switch call it modernization.
Don’t call it failure call it progress.
Final Thoughts
So which is it? Are they incompetent or something worse?
Because let’s be honest: what we just watched wasn’t accountability, it was choreography. The watchdog says the federal government awarded contracts based on résumés that turned out to be fiction — and the Liberals’ response? Relax, it’s modernization.
They didn’t deny it happened. They just changed the vocabulary.
“Bait and switch” becomes “solutions-based contracting.”
Fraud becomes “flexibility.”
Failure becomes “progress.”
And when the Ombudsman exposes it, they call that a “balanced report.”
This isn’t evolution. It’s evasion, the bureaucratic art of saying everything while admitting nothing. Ottawa has spent two decades building a system where no one is ever responsible for anything, and they’re proud of it.
And that’s not the worst part because here’s a government that claims to be obsessed with “cutting waste,” with “efficiency,” with “respecting taxpayers’ money.” But when the one man in Ottawa actually capable of finding the waste sits in front of them and says, we can’t do our job because you won’t fund us, they nod, thank him politely, and move on.
Alexander Jeglic didn’t sound like a man crying for a bigger office or fancier title. He sounded like a man trapped inside a machine that’s designed not to work. He’s reviewing billions of dollars in federal contracts every year—contracts the government can’t seem to manage—and his entire budget hasn’t gone up since 2008. Seventeen years of inflation, and zero increase. That’s not oversight. That’s sabotage.
He told MPs his office uncovered that in 41 percent of contracts, the people taxpayers were told were doing the work never did. Think about that. Four out of ten contracts you pay for aren’t being delivered by the people who won them. That’s not a rounding error. That’s systemic rot. And the department responsible didn’t just shrug it off—they tried to delete it from the report.
They wanted the section removed. Formally. In writing. Because it made them look bad. Jeglic refused. He published their demand right there in the report. That’s what real accountability looks like.
And what did the government do? Nothing. No apology. No investigation. No increase in resources to stop it from happening again. Instead, they changed the rules so they no longer have to count it. They call it “solutions‑based contracting.” Translation: don’t measure outcomes, just redefine success until failure disappears.
If this were merely incompetence, you could fix it with new people. But it’s not. It’s a system that rewards itself for not knowing. They spend billions through opaque networks of consultants and subcontractors, and when someone tries to trace where the money went, the funding dries up.
This government spends more on communications staff than the Ombudsman’s entire office budget. They have teams of people paid to tell you how transparent they are, and the one office that could prove it is being starved to death.
So no—this isn’t about efficiency. It’s about control. They don’t want the waste found because the waste is the system. It’s how friends get paid, how failures get buried, and how no one is ever accountable.
You can call that whatever you like. But when the watchdog’s leash keeps getting tighter while the thieves run free, you stop wondering whether it’s incompetence. Because by that point, you already know the answer.
Business
Steel Subsidies Are The New Money Pit Burying Taxpayers

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Conrad Eder
The federal and Ontario governments’ $500 million loan to Algoma Steel exemplifies costly corporate welfare, with taxpayers bearing risks that private investors avoid, continuing a decades-long pattern of subsidies that distorts markets and burdens Canadians.
Governments call subsidies an economic strategy, but Canadians know they’re just another way to raid their pockets
Another day, another giveaway. This time, it’s Algoma Steel.
Despite the company’s market capitalization of roughly $500 million at the time, the governments of Canada and Ontario extended a loan equal to that amount—an extraordinary and objectively questionable move that isn’t just bad policy, but a sign that elected officials don’t know how to support businesses.
Officials justify the loan by claiming it will help Algoma refocus on its domestic market, lessening its reliance on the United States. Yet the fastest and most efficient way to execute such a strategy would involve doing so with private capital. Private markets allocate capital efficiently because investors directly bear the consequences of their decisions. Companies that cannot secure private funding typically lack a viable business model or face fundamental structural problems that subsidies will not solve.
Even if Algoma has a credible plan for pivoting its operations, the fact that taxpayers are shouldering risks private investors refuse to bear raises serious concerns. Canadians have a right to question whether this is a sound investment or just another costly political decision dressed up as economic strategy.
This isn’t the first time the company has leaned on public funds. Over the past three decades, Algoma has received more than $1.3 billion in government bailouts and subsidies, including $110 million for restructuring in 1992, $50 million in 2001, $60 million in 2015, $150 million in 2019, $420 million in 2021, and now $500 million in tariff-relief loans. That kind of prolonged public support makes it difficult to argue Algoma operates on a level playing field.
Proponents may argue that since Algoma continues to operate and provide employment, it proves government intervention works. But they ignore the enormous opportunity cost of these subsidies—costs largely hidden from public view. Every dollar spent propping up one company is a dollar that can’t fund other priorities, whether health care, education, infrastructure, or tax relief.
How will Ottawa and Queen’s Park cover their latest $500 million pledge? There are limited options. They may choose to forgo funding other priorities, borrow the money they just lent to cover other commitments, or monetize the debt by printing money or financing it through the central bank. In any case, Canadians are left worse off, whether by higher taxes, reduced services, or inflationary pressures. That’s the real cost of corporate subsidies, borne not by the companies that benefit, but by the public that pays.
But what if Algoma Steel faces further economic pressures, or its plans to refocus on domestic manufacturing fall through? Are we to expect that, having committed $500 million, the government will walk away? History suggests otherwise. More likely, officials will try to protect their investment regardless of the cost. It’s a slippery slope, one that often leads to even larger bailouts down the road.
Instead of selective corporate welfare, Canada should pursue policies that benefit all businesses: reducing regulatory burdens, lowering corporate tax rates, and eliminating trade barriers. These broad-based reforms create conditions where efficient companies thrive while inefficient ones face appropriate market discipline. The goal should be to make Canada more competitive overall, not just more generous to the few firms with political clout.
Adding insult to injury, this government’s simultaneous interventionism and protectionism places twice the burden on Canadians. First, taxpayers subsidize Algoma’s operations. Second, they pay premium prices for steel products thanks to federally imposed import tariffs introduced in recent years to shield domestic producers from lower-priced foreign steel. We are, in effect, subsidizing Algoma Steel to produce so that we can turn around and buy from them at higher prices than steel could be purchased from international competitors, if not for the tariffs. It’s a double hit to Canadians’ wallets.
Government officials invoke national security arguments to justify these measures, but in reality, they are engaging in the same economic protectionism they decry. During Trump’s first presidency, Canadian politicians rightly condemned similar American steel tariffs as protectionism disguised as security concerns. Now, Canadian officials are making identical arguments to defend their own policies.
While politicians warn about future threats to the country’s steel supply, it isn’t foreign governments restricting access. Ottawa has imposed its own import tariffs, limiting steel imports from abroad. The real barrier to securing steel supply isn’t an export ban. It’s Canada’s own trade policy.
Our own production capacity further weakens the government’s case. With companies like ArcelorMittal Dofasco and Stelco, Canada produces roughly 12.2 million metric tonnes of steel annually. That’s nearly enough to meet domestic demand. For everyday Canadians, this means alarms about steel shortages rings hollow.
This is not an endorsement of these other firms, as they have also received public funds, nearly $1 billion in recent years. In fact, Algoma might be disappointed not to have received more themselves. But it needn’t worry. With this government, another payout is likely just around the corner.
And once again, Canadians will foot the bill.
Conrad Eder is a policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
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