Energy for a Secure Future (ESF), the Institute of Energy Economics, Japan (IEEJ), and the First Nations LNG Alliance have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to increase energy trade between Canada and Japan. The MOU was signed at the Canadian Embassy in Tokyo and recognizes the growing importance of Indigenous-led LNG projects in Canada’s energy security, reducing global emissions, and driving economic growth for First Nations and the country as a whole.

With Canada’s trade relationship with the U.S. uncertain—especially with U.S. President Donald Trump threatening a 25 per cent tariff on Canadian exports, including 10 per cent on energy—the need to diversify markets has never been more pressing. Canada ships 97 per cent of its oil and gas to the U.S., leaving the country exposed to the political whims of Washington. Expanding trade partnerships with key allies like Japan provides an opportunity to mitigate these risks and build a more resilient economy.

At the heart of Canada’s modern energy industry are First Nations-led LNG projects, which are proving to be a model for economic reconciliation and environmental responsibility. The Haisla Nation’s Cedar LNG, the Squamish Nation’s involvement with Woodfibre LNG, and the Nisga’a Nation’s Ksi Lisims LNG project exemplify Indigenous leadership in Canada’s energy future. These projects bring economic prosperity to Indigenous communities and position Canada as a key player in low-emission energy for the world.

Few people embody this leadership more than Chief Crystal Smith of the Haisla Nation, who received the 2025 Testimonial Dinner Award on February 7. Her vision and determination have brought Cedar LNG—the world’s first Indigenous-majority-owned LNG facility—to life. Under her leadership, this $4-billion project will start up in 2028 and will be one of the most sustainable LNG facilities in the world, powered entirely by BC Hydro’s renewable electricity. Her work is not just about resource development—it represents a country-changing shift in Indigenous economic leadership. By owning the majority of the Cedar LNG project, the Haisla Nation has set a precedent for economic self-determination, long-term job creation, revenue generation, and skills training for Indigenous youth.

She is echoed by Karen Ogen, CEO of the First Nations LNG Alliance, who has been a long-time advocate for Indigenous participation in LNG. As she says, “Our involvement in LNG not only represents an opportunity for economic growth for our communities and for Canada but will help the world with energy security and emissions reduction.”

The MOU signed in Tokyo signals Japan’s growing interest in Canadian LNG as part of its energy security strategy. Japan is phasing out coal and needs reliable, low-emission energy sources—Canadian LNG is the answer. Shannon Joseph, Chair of Energy for a Secure Future, said, “Japan wants diverse energy partners, and on this mission, we’ve heard clearly that they want Canada to be one of those partners.”

This partnership also highlights Canada’s missed opportunities over the last decade. As industry leaders like Eric Nuttall of Ninepoint Partners have pointed out, Canada could have avoided its current dependence on U.S. markets had it built more pipelines to the east and west coasts. The cancellation of the Northern Gateway and Energy East pipelines left Canada without the infrastructure to reach Asian and European markets.

Now, with the expansion of Trans Mountain (TMX) and the rise of Indigenous-led LNG projects, Canada has a second chance to shape its energy future.

As B.C. Minister of Economic Development Diana Gibson has said, expanding trade relationships beyond the U.S. is key to Canada’s future.

The First Nations-led LNG sector is demonstrating that Indigenous leadership is driving economic reconciliation and strengthening Canada’s geopolitical influence in global energy markets. For too long, Indigenous communities were merely stakeholders in resource projects—now they are owners and partners. First Nations are proving that responsible development and environmental stewardship can coexist.

With the MOU between Canada and Japan, the growth of LNG projects, and the recognition of Chief Crystal Smith, a new era of Indigenous economic power is emerging. These developments make one thing clear: First Nations are not just leading their communities—they are leading Canada.

In times of trade uncertainty, their vision, resilience, and business acumen are building the foundation for Canada’s energy future, ensuring prosperity is shared between Indigenous peoples and all Canadians.

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Nina Green

The University of Manitoba has not provided the name of a single Indian residential school student who went missing and whose parents did not know at the time what had happened to their child. Not one.

Why has Canada twice been referred to the International Criminal Court on the basis of false claims about Indian residential schools?

The answer is simple.

The ultimate cause is the University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial which falsely claims that it is a list of students who died on the premises of Indian residential schools and students who went missing from Indian residential schools. The University of Manitoba site tells users to:

Click on a region below to see a list of residential schools. Each residential school page contains a list of students who died or went missing at that school.

Those claims by the University of Manitoba are not true.

Firstly, the majority of the 4139 students currently on the University of Manitoba’s Student Memorial Register did not die on the premises of an Indian residential school. Most died elsewhere, as established by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission report entitled Missing Children and Unmarked Burials, which is in Table 4. Location of residential school deaths, 1867–2000 on page 21 states that only 423 named students died on the premises of an Indian residential school over the course of 133 years, an average of 3 students a year.

Thus, the majority of students did not die on the premises of Indian residential schools. They died elsewhere – in public hospitals or of illness or accidents on their home reserves, accidents which included house fires, drownings, gunshot wounds, vehicle accidents, falling trees, being hit by trains, and other accidental deaths, as established in hundreds of provincial death certificates.

Secondly, none of the students on the University of Manitoba’s lists went missing from an Indian residential school. To date, the University of Manitoba has not provided the name of a single Indian residential school student who went missing and whose parents did not know at the time what had happened to their child. Not one. And far from being ‘missing’, in fact hundreds of provincial death certificates establish that the students were buried on their home reserves by their families and communities.

Based on the University of Manitoba’s misleading lists, the media and the federal government uncritically accepted the false claim by the Kamloops Band on 27 May 2021 that the Band had discovered ‘the remains of 215 children’. After three years, the Band downgraded that false claim on 18 May 2024 to the claim that it had merely discovered ‘215 anomalies’, which could be anything, and are almost certainly the remains of the 2000 linear feet of trenches of a septic field installed in 1924 to dispose of the school’s sewage.

The first referral to the International Criminal Court by a group of 22 lawyers

Only a few days after the Kamloops Band made its false claim, on 3 June 2021 a group of 22 lawyers sent a 14-page complaint to the ICC requesting the Prosecutor to initiate an investigation of a ‘mass grave’ of Indian residential school students which had been discovered at Kamloops. The claim by the 22 lawyers that a ‘mass grave’ had been discovered at Kamloops was, of course, false.

The International Criminal Court quickly declined jurisdiction in November 2021, and on 13 September 2022 Dr Chile Eboe-Osuji, former President and Judge of the International Criminal Court, informed Special Interlocutor Kimberly Murray and those present at her National Gathering in Edmonton of the reasons for doing so. As reported by Chief Derek Nepinak, Dr Eboe-Osuji stated unequivocally that:

There is no pathway to the International Criminal Court for the situation of the historical Indian residential school system in Canada.

Dr Eboe-Osuji’s presentation has never been made available on the Special Interlocutor’s website, and requests to both Kimberly Murray and Dr Eboe-Osuji for a copy of his presentation have gone unanswered.

The second referral to the International Criminal Court by Special Interlocutor Kimberly Murray

Undeterred by the ICC’s refusal to accept jurisdiction and the reasons offered by Dr Eboe-Osuji in his presentation to her 13 September 2022 National Gathering, Kimberly Murray pursued the issue based on the University of Manitoba’s lists falsely claiming that all the students on its lists died on the premises of specific Indian residential schools or went missing from those schools.

On 29 October 2024, Kimberly Murray delivered her final report to Minister of Justice Arif Virani. However, as she told the Senate Standing Committee on Indigenous Peoples on 27 November 2024, Kimberly Murray also sent her report to the International Criminal Court, requesting Canada’s prosecution by the Court.

How the ICC will react to Kimberly Murray’s referral of Canada for prosecution is as yet unknown.

Damage to Canada’s international reputation

Canada’s reputation has been irreparably damaged by these two referrals to the International Criminal Court based on the University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial which falsely claims that it is a list of students who died on the premises of specific residential schools or went missing from those specific schools.

It cannot be reiterated often enough:

(1) that most students whose names are on the University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial did not die on the premises of a residential school;

(2) that most students on the University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial died in public hospitals or of illness and accidents on their home reserves;

(3) that the University of Manitoba has never provided the name of a single student who ever went missing from an Indian residential school whose parents didn’t know what happened to their child; and

(4) that the majority of students whose names are on the University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial were buried by their families and communities on their home reserves. Over time, their families and communities have forgotten them, and through neglect of the grave markers, no longer know where in their reserve cemeteries they are buried.

The University of Manitoba’s National Student Memorial has misled Canadians and has resulted in two referrals of Canada for prosecution by the International Criminal Court based on false claims about ‘mass graves’ and ‘missing’ and ‘disappeared’ Indian residential school students.

The federal government and the Catholic Church must demand that the University of Manitoba take down its false and misleading National Student Memorial.

Nina Green is an independent researcher who lives in British Columbia.