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Opinion

The repair job at Immigration

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17 minute read

PAUL WELLS

The department’s top bureaucrat answers a critical report, with rare candour

Seven months ago Neil Yeates, a retired former deputy minister of immigration, submitted a report on the organization of the department of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada to the current deputy minister, Christiane Fox.

Yeates’s 28-page report was blunt, plainspoken, critical but constructive. It said “the current organizational model at IRCC is broken.” At a time of global upheaval and dizzying growth in immigration levels, the department that decides who gets into Canada was no longer “fit for purpose,” he wrote. It was time for “major change.” When? “[T]he advice is to proceed now.”

On Thursday, a copy of Yeates’s report landed in my email inbox.

On Thursday night, Christiane Fox told me she is implementing many of Yeates’s recommendations, and described for me her plans for the department with a level of detail and candour I almost never see in today’s Ottawa.


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Copies of Yeates’s February IRCC Organizational Review Report have been floating around Ottawa because the department began implementing big changes this week. Some of the nearly 13,000 people who work in the department have asked for the rationale behind the changes. Yeates’s 28-page report makes the case succinctly.

Yeates was a top civil servant in Saskatchewan before moving to Ottawa in 2004. He held senior positions in three other departments before becoming deputy minister at Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the department now known as IRCC, where he served from 2009 to his retirement in 2013. That means he was Jason Kenney’s deputy minister for all of Kenney’s time at Immigration, but he was also a Trudeau Foundation mentor if you want to get excited about that instead.

His report’s purpose, he wrote, “is to provide strategic advice to the Deputy Minister on how the department can become a more efficient and effective organization.” After interviewing 36 people inside and outside the department, he decided it was a mess.

‘“[T]he current organizational model at IRCC is broken but is being held together by the hard work and dedication of staff,” he wrote. “At IRCC today department-wide planning is limited and some interviewees suggested it has in fact disappeared completely . There is no multi-year strategic plan, annual plans are not in place consistently across the department and consequently reporting is seen by many as haphazard.”

What the department did have going for it was a decent work environment: “In talking to senior managers at IRCC the culture was universally seen as ‘committed,’ ‘collaborative,’ ‘supportive’ and so on.” The senior managers Yeates interviewed saw this culture as “helping to overcome the shortcomings of the current organizational structure and of the weakness of the governance and management systems.”

The immigration department has always been the main portal between a messy world and an anxious nation. Lately the world had grown messier, Yeates noted, and the demands on the department were starting to hurt. “[T]he operating environment, both nationally and internationally, has grown ever more complex, unstable and frenetic,” he wrote.

In response, “the department has grown exponentially,” from 5,217 staff when Yeates left it in 2013 to12,721 this year, an expansion of 144%. The “Ex complement,” the department’s management cadre, grew from 135 to 227 over the same period, a smaller increase of 68%. That might explain why the department’s managers are so stressed, Yeates speculated. At any rate, the department’s structure was conceived for a much smaller staff and caseload.

To catch up, Yeates proposed big reform in four areas: Organizational Structure, Governance, Management Systems and Culture. He cautioned that tinkering with only one or a couple of those areas wouldn’t have the effect that a “Big Bang,” however difficult, would achieve.

The big problem in Organizational Structure was that the department isn’t organized along business lines: that one of the world’s leading destinations for asylum and humanitarian immigration doesn’t have an assistant deputy minister for asylum, for instance. The obvious challenge was that in a hectic world there will certainly be more crises, like those of recent years. “Should IRCC have a permanent ‘response team’ in place? The short answer is no.” Between crises that team of experienced trouble-shooters would just be twirling their thumbs. Instead Yeates proposed better contingency planning, including lessons learned from other crisis-management departments such as National Defence.

Under Governance, Yeates found a proliferation of over-large committees sitting through endless presentations and not really sure, at the end of each, whether they had decided anything. “Most of the actual decision-making occurs in DMO/ADM bilats,” he wrote, referring to meetings between the Deputy Minister’s office and a given Assistant Deputy Minister.

The section of Yeates’s report that deals with Management Systems reads like a parable of contemporary Ottawa: a “series of periodic crises” that somehow nobody anticipated, “descend[ing] into ‘issues management.’” What’s needed is much better planning and reporting, he wrote. When he was running the department barely a decade ago, every part of the department was reporting on progress against targets every three months. That system has fallen by the wayside. A department that’s obsessed with its “priorities” or with the to-do items in “a minister’s mandate letters” is “inherently limited” and guaranteed to be side-swiped by events intruding from the real world, he wrote.

The upshot of all this tunnel vision was that the department was expecting to “lapse,” or leave unspent, $368 million in projected spending for the year underway, even as passport-related spending was projecting a $238 million deficit.

Yeates’s report closed with the sort of plea that’s traditional in this sort of exercise, essentially pleading not to be ignored. “IRCC is at a crossroads and as Yogi Berra famously quipped ‘when you come to a fork in the road, take it,’” he wrote. Change is hard, but a “substantial majority” of the people he interviewed told him it was overdue.

Neil Yeates and Christiane Fox.

And that’s where the report ends. I had to decide what to do with it. First, always consider the possibility that you’ve been handed a fake report, or the first draft of something that was later amended beyond recognition. I emailed the office of Immigration Minister Marc Miller looking for comment. They handed me off to the civil servants in the department’s communications staff. But I also emailed Christiane Fox, the deputy minister, offering her a chance to comment. This is the sort of chance that people in Ottawa usually don’t touch with a barge pole.

But Fox called me on Thursday night and responded in detail. I asked: was the conversation on the record? She thought out loud for a few seconds, working her way up to a “Yes.” I don’t want to belabour this, but that answer is very rare these days.


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Christiane Fox had been the DM at Indigenous Services for all of 22 months when she was sent to run IRCC in July of 2022. The new job “felt like crisis”: the department was sending weekly updates to an ad hoc committee of ministers whose job was to fix months of chaos in airports and passport offices.

“They felt like they were under duress,” Fox said. “Everyone was exhausted.” New staff were just “tacked on when there was a problem,” including the creation of an entirely new sector for Afghanistan. Fox talked about this with some of the most experienced public servants in town, including Yeates and Richard Dicerni, Fox’s former DM from her days as a young public servant at Industry, who passed away this summer and whose contribution to public life in Canada is hard to measure.

“I kind of said, ‘We’ve got to make some changes. And I don’t want to do it overnight. But I also don’t want to spend two years figuring out what a new model could look like.’” Yeates, whom she didn’t know well but who knew the department’s history, seemed like solid outside counsel.

While Yeates was doing his thing, Fox and the previous immigration minister, Sean Fraser, were consulting — with “business leaders, academics and clients” — about the department’s future. By June of this year, she had a plan, based on Yeates’s report and those consultations. She’s been rolling it out since then, from top managers on down, and on Wednesday, by way of explanation for the changes that are coming, she sent the Yeates report to enough people that I got a copy. A department-wide meeting is scheduled for this coming week.

What’s changing? “The model is now just more of a business-line model,” she said, reflecting Yeates’s first big recommendation.

So there’ll be a stronger crisis-planning sector. In a world that keeps producing humanitarian crises, the goal is to learn lessons for next time from Ukraine, Afghanistan and elsewhere. “Most importantly, we’ll have a group dedicated to thinking about these issues, planning for crisis.” It won’t eliminate the need to “surge,” or quickly add new staff when something flares up. “But in the past, we ended up surging so much that all of our other business lines suffered every time there was a crisis.” The goal now is to get better at anticipating so the department’s regular work doesn’t suffer.

“Asylum and Refugee. There was no Asylum ADM,” she said, reflecting another Yeates critique. “This is probably the thing that causes me the most heartache, in terms of, how are we going to deal with this as a country, globally? What are some of the tools that we have? How do we support the most vulnerable? How do we have a system that is fast and fair? So Asylum and Refugee will now be a sector within the department.”

In addition, there’ll be a sector focused on Economic Immigration and Family. “The business community didn’t really feel like we were actually talking to them about labour shortages, about skills missions, about what is the talent that the country needs.” And a sector on francophone immigration, identifying French-speaking sources of immigration and taking into account the needs of French-speaking newcomers.

“Other sectors remain kind of consistent. Like, we’ve always had a focus on border and security, but we will now have a team that’s really migration integrity, national security, fraud prevention, and looking at case management in that context.”

Fox said she’s working on more of a “client focus” in the department’s work. “When I joined the department I remember, my first few weeks, thinking, ‘Everybody talks about inventory and backlog and process.’ But I didn’t feel clients and people were at the forefront.” This may sound like a semantic difference. But anyone who’s been treated as inventory and backlog can testify to the potential value in any reform that restores a measure of humanity to recipients of government service.

I’ve been arguing for months here that simply acknowledging problems and identifying possible solutions is better communications than the happy-face sloganeering that passes for so much of strategic comms these days. Here, quite by accident, I’d stumbled across somebody who seems to have had similar thoughts. (There’s an irony here, because Fox’s CV includes a long stint as a director of strategic communications in the Privy Council Office.)

“There will be things that will come up,” Fox said, “that may not be as smooth a transition as we thought, or maybe a bit clunky, that we need to rethink. What we’ve told the employees is, it won’t be perfect. We needed to change, we’re going to change, but there’s going to be room for conversation around issues that arise as we go through this process.”

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International

FREE MARINE LE PEN!’: Trump defends French populist against ‘lawfare’ charges

Published on

From LifeSiteNews

By Emily Mangiaracina

‘The Witch Hunt against Marine Le Pen is another example of European Leftists using Lawfare to silence Free Speech, and censor their Political Opponent,’ Donald Trump on Truth Social.

U.S. President Donald Trump defended French populist Marine Le Pen as a fellow victim of “lawfare” after the popular opposition leader was barred from the 2027 French national election due to embezzlement charges.

“The Witch Hunt against Marine Le Pen is another example of European Leftists using Lawfare to silence Free Speech, and censor their Political Opponent, this time going so far as to put that Opponent in prison,” Trump wrote Thursday night on Truth Social.

As of Sunday, Le Pen, head of the National Rally (RN) party, was leading polls to win the presidential election, being 11 to 17 points ahead of the party of the globalist President Emmanuel Macron.

On Monday, Le Pen was hit with a five-year ban on running for elected office and sentenced to four years of prison on charges of “misuse of EU funds,” although two years were suspended and the remaining two would be served through house arrest.

Le Pen and her co-defendants were specifically accused of illegally using European Parliament funds for party employees who “seldom (or never) dealt with affairs in Brussels or Strasbourg,” of which the court held Le Pen personally responsible for €474,000.

Her prison sentence has been paused as her lawyer appeals the ruling, but the ban on her running for office nevertheless remains in force, despite the fact that legal penalties are typically delayed during the appeals process, according to Politico.

In his Truth Social post, Trump accused French leftists of using a “minor charge” against Le Pen as a pretext to block her from office.

“Just before what would be a Big Victory, they get her on a minor charge that she probably knew nothing about – Sounds like a ‘bookkeeping’ error to me,” wrote Trump.

“It is all so bad for France, and the Great French People, no matter what side they are on. FREE MARINE LE PEN!” he concluded.

“I am Marine!” wrote Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on X Monday, in a cry of solidarity with his fellow anti-globalist.

“This is nuts,” remarked former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis on X. “Lawfare is wrong whomever it targets. And it is stupid to boot. France’s neofascists will only benefit from this, just as the MAGA lot did. A panicking illiberal establishment across the West is diving headlong into a totalitarian pit.”

“I am shocked by the incredible tough verdict against Marine Le Pen,” chimed in Geert Wilders, leader of a Dutch populist party that won a national election in 2023. “I support and believe in her for the full 100% and I trust she will win the appeal and become President of France.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s spokesperson Dmitry Peskov has called the ruling a “violation of democratic norms,” and Reform UK party leader Nigel Farage denounced Le Pen’s “cancellation” as based on “a very trumped-up charge.”

“In this country we have nine county council elections on 1 May that won’t happen, and may not happen for years,” said Farage, according to the BBC. “And in France, they cancelled a candidate. A candidate that would, without doubt, have won the next French presidential election. And you know what, if looks to me like a very trumped-up charge.”

“They will not succeed in silencing the voice of the French people,” said Santiago Abascal, head of the pro-family, right-wing Vox party in Spain.

Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini urged Le Pen to keep fighting, calling her verdict a “bad film” akin to political shut-outs occuring in other countries like Romania.

“We will not be intimidated, we will not stop: full speed ahead my friend,” said Salvini.

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2025 Federal Election

Mainstream Media Election Coverage: If the Election Was a NHL Game, the Ice Would be Constantly Tilted Up and to the Left

Published on

From EnergyNow.Ca

Like good refs for a NHL hockey game, election coverage should be as unbiased as possible and provide balanced judgement. In Canada, mainstream media rarely provides this. 

By Jim Warren

Canada’s Conservatives face an uphill battle when it comes to obtaining unbiased coverage in the mainstream Canadian news media. Any in doubt need only watch a half hour of election coverage on CBC or tune-in to the CTV news channel, which is stacked with left leaning election commentaries favoring the Liberals, despite their abysmal record over the last 10 years, which has all but been forgotten by many media journalists in their attempt to help Canadians forget as well.

The Liberal government’s provision of tens of millions in grants and tax credits to support the jobs of journalists has certainly not made reporters any less Liberal-friendly.*

But the truth is, the Liberals did not actually need to bribe most mainstream journalists and their employers to gain their support. They already had it. And that’s been bad news for the fortunes of the gas and petroleum sectors along with many of the other things we do to create wealth in Canada (like farming, mining, construction and manufacturing, including petrochemicals).

Year’s before the Liberals launched their 2019 media subsidization programs, Canada’s legacy media outlets had embraced climate alarmism and were okay with the demonization nonrenewable energy. They functioned like public relations agents for the environmental movement’s anti-Alberta oil campaign (2008-2021).

For two decades now, conventional media outlets have been publishing and broadcasting sensationalized misinformation about the need to make deep and immediate cuts to CO2 and methane emissions to save the planet from imminent doom.

For most journalists in the conventional media, it was no great leap to fall in step behind the Trudeau government’s anti-oil, gas and pipelines agenda. Climate alarmists in the media assumed Justin Trudeau, Steven Guilbeault, Jonathan Wilkinson and other members of the Liberal cabinet were on the side of the angels. Now, with Justin Trudeau out of the picture, it has become evident that current Prime Minister Mark Carney will continue with the anti-oil, gas agenda of Justin Trudeau, who personally endorsed him and has been advising Trudeau for a number of years to not only keep the carbon tax, but increase it.

As a result, the Liberal assault on conventional energy went largely unchallenged in the legacy media.

Thankfully there are a few notable exceptions.  Outstanding columnists and journalists like Don Braid and Brian Lilly have survived. They have drawn attention to the economic madness of the assault on oil, gas and pipelines, the consequent stifling of economic growth and their effects on national unity.

And there are of course large numbers of journalists and policy analysts working online outside the mainstream who have provided the bulk of journalistic criticism of the Liberals. People like Dan McTeague have been making appearances in online interviews and commentaries posted to you tube. And many online news sites including Northern Perspective have been keeping tabs on Liberal mismanagement and corruption.

As a general proposition many mainstream journalists under the age of 40 have swallowed exaggerated misinterpretations of climate science. And they accept at face value the environmental movement’s irrational claims about the urgent need to massively and rapidly reduce the consumption of oil and natural gas. Journalists rarely address the economically ruinous effects of reducing oil and gas consumption too fast and by too much.

This is in part because many of them are economically illiterate. If they went to university they typically studied soft subjects like sociology, gender studies and social justice. The values and beliefs they adopted at university are reinforced by their favourite social media sites.

They know more about things like the plight of the transgendered than they do about wealth creation or how to foster economic growth. This makes it rather easy for them to accept the gospel according the federal Liberals. “Oil is bad and why would we fuss over fiscal and economic problems when deficits and debt are just numbers that take care of themselves?”

Mainstream journalists haven’t had their eye on the ball when it comes to the social and economic harm caused by Liberal environmental policy. We’re not talking about chump change lost because of a bit of irritating red tape.

My own calculations, under an experimental scenario, show that the cost of not having Energy East, Northern Gateway, and the Trans mountain expansion fully approved and operating for a 10 year period was approximately $290 billion in lost revenue. (The historical sample period was from 2013-2023, a period of mostly low global oil prices, which suggests the $290 billion figure significantly underestimates the potential for lost revenue)

The Fraser Institute and others have conducted and published important studies identifying the massive decline in investment in the petroleum and gas industries and more generally across many economic sectors. In the first five years the Liberals were in office their energy related environmental policies like Bill C-69 (The Impact Assessment Act) in particular, cost an estimated 200,000 jobs nationally and a massive reduction in investments in Canada’s oil and gas sectors.

These losses were not mourned by the conventional media based in Central Canada. Some journalists assumed clobbering the energy industry in the west was a good thing because it would mitigate climate change. They were either unaware of or uninterested in the people who lost jobs and the damage being done to the Canadian economy.

No less influential is the mainstream media’s laser like focus on issues primarily relevant to Toronto and Montreal. Problems on the prairies typically escape notice. As a result some low information voters in the regions where Canadian elections are decided are unclear as to whether Saskatchewan is a city or a province.

Supporting evidence

On May 2 of 2024 an article appeared in EnergyNow which used published research and the actual scientific reports issued by the inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to demonstrate that the mainstream media in North America and Europe have bought into hyperbolic misinterpretations of climate science. The column showed how Journalists have taken as truth the false claims of overly zealous environmental activists about the pace of global warming and how the green transition will supposedly have little to no adverse impact on most people’s livelihoods and economic well-being.

The article explains how journalists, climate alarmists and environmental activists inhabit the same corner of the social media universe. The research shows many journalists are more likely adopt the opinions and information they encounter on Twitter (Now X) and other online forums to inform their stories than the scientific research published by organizations like the IPCC.

May 2, 2024, Opinion: How social Media and Sloppy Journalism Misrepresent Climate Science

The fact is too many Canadian journalists have bought into the environmental zealotry of an online tribe which both shares and shapes their beliefs in relation to climate science and their views about oil and gas. This has been the case since the mid to late 2000s.

To repeat. The Liberals did not need to subsidize journalists to get them to buy into their environmental and energy policies—they were already onside.

The real reason for the subsidy programs was to prevent media employers from laying off journalists. Times have been tough for the mainstream news media. The solvency of many newspapers in particular is tenuous. Network television has also been suffering. The CBC goes $1.2 billion into the red each year, which is explained by the fact it attracts just 4.4% of Canada’s viewing audience during prime time. Streaming has radically changed North Americans viewing preferences and the sources they subscribe to.

Mainstream media is in palliative care. Plowing government grant money into it is like investing in the buggy whip business well after Henry Ford had cranked out tens of thousands of Model Ts.

There may be some mainstream journalists who will suffer a pang or two of common sense or integrity and criticize Liberal environment and energy policy during the election campaign. But it seems highly unlikely mainstream media outlets will desert the Liberals and get behind the Conservatives. Anyone betting the farm on that sort of outcome needs to set down the crack pipe.

For CBC to come out swinging against Mark Carney would require one of those proverbial “caught him in the act and thrown in jail” moments.

All that being said, we might take a bit of faint hope from an older tendency among journalists. Some of them still have an underlying psychological need to pounce on gotcha moments.

These brand of journalists are on the lookout for evidence exposing malfeasance, errors, and unexplained flip flops which make politicians look bad, and simultaneously help journalists look like smart and fearless champions of the truth. Some journalists hope to be viewed like reincarnations of Woodward and Bernstein of Watergate fame and become legends for taking down the powerful.

However, the gotcha urge is not what it once was. For many younger journalists the catechism of all things woke and progressive encourages them to ignore gotcha ammunition which might embarrass environmentally sanctimonious Liberals.

In the final analysis, the election hopes of supporters of the western energy sector will depend largely on election coverage in the nonconventional, mostly online, media.

Add to that a Conservative campaign focused on building back Canada and elminating Liberal anti-resource development red-tape and bureaucracy, to move away from reliance on the US, which is what the election should be focused on.

*In March 2024 the Liberals added $58 million to cover three years of support for one just one of their three subsidy funds for journalists, the Local Journalism Initiative.
This fund provides media outlets with a 35% tax credit for every journalist they have on staff.

NOTE: The opinions expressed in this commentary are those expressed the author and do not necessarily reflect the views, positions, or policies of Enerpoint iMedia Corp. o/a EnergyNow.

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