National
Poilievre can pack a Rally—but can he take on the establishment, China’s influence, and the globalist elite?

Thousands braved the cold to pack Poilievre’s rally, chanting ‘We need you!’
Pierre Poilievre didn’t just hold a rally. He delivered a political earthquake. Thousands of Canadians braved the cold—minus eleven degrees, snow falling, streets covered in ice—to stand shoulder to shoulder, packed into an overflowing venue, with even more watching from spillover rooms.
And it wasn’t just a polite gathering of voters looking for a fresh face to replace Trudeau’s tired, corrupt regime. No, this was something else entirely. It was a moment where you could feel the momentum shifting. It was the kind of rally that terrifies political elites because it tells them one thing—this isn’t just a campaign anymore. It’s a movement.
Now, we’ve seen this before. Obama in 2008, Trump in 2016. The political class and their media lapdogs always pretend these moments don’t exist—right up until the moment they steamroll the establishment and change the country forever. That’s the kind of energy we saw in Ottawa. That’s the kind of political force Poilievre is sitting on.
And the real question is: does he understand just how big this is? Because right now, he is either going to ride this wave to an unstoppable victory, or he is going to let the media, the bureaucrats, and the Liberal swamp talk him into playing it safe and blowing the biggest opportunity of his life.
Let’s talk about what he got right—because he got a lot right.
First, Mark Carney got absolutely eviscerated. And not a moment too soon. For months, the Liberal establishment and their media servants have been parading this unelected banker around like some kind of messiah—as if Canadians have been crying out for a smug, carbon-tax-obsessed globalist to come and save us from ourselves.
Well, Poilievre wasn’t having it. He torched Carney’s entire phony image in a single speech.
This is a guy—let’s be very clear about who he is—who has spent his entire career making life more expensive for you while getting richer off it. A man who cheered for the carbon tax in Canada while personally investing in American coal. A man who killed pipelines here while his own company bought them in the Middle East. A man who spent years whispering in Trudeau’s ear, pushing policies that have already driven over $500 billion in investment out of this country—and now, somehow, wants you to believe he’s the guy to fix it.
It was devastating, brutal, and completely deserved. And the best part? Poilievre made it clear that if Carney wins, Canada loses.
But that wasn’t even the most important part of the speech.
The most important moment came when Poilievre didn’t just talk about the economy—he talked about Canada’s survival.
Because that’s what this is about.
And this is where Poilievre really flipped the script on the media’s latest nonsense.
For weeks now, Canada’s press has been running around like a bunch of headless chickens, shrieking that Trump’s tariffs are going to destroy us—as if the biggest economic threat to this country isn’t the people running it into the ground from within.
And instead of taking the bait, instead of playing defense, Poilievre turned the entire argument on its head.
The real problem isn’t Trump. The real problem is that Canada can’t even trade with itself.
Think about that. Canada’s biggest economic problem isn’t some tariff threat from Washington—it’s that we have more trade barriers between our own provinces than we do with the United States. That is insane. That is deliberate economic sabotage. That is the kind of bureaucratic lunacy that only a Liberal government could create.
So instead of cowering in fear about what Trump might do, Poilievre did what no Canadian politician has done in decades—he promised to tear down interprovincial trade barriers in his first 30 days in office.
And suddenly, the entire media narrative collapsed.
Why? Because if Canada is so fragile that one American president can destroy our economy with a tariff, then maybe the real problem isn’t Trump. Maybe the real problem is that Liberal policies have left us so pathetically weak that we can’t even function as a country without America’s permission.
Now that’s leadership. That’s the kind of offensive strategy Canada needs.
And then, Poilievre did it again.
He unleashed his strongest energy vision yet.
He vowed to repeal C-69, the anti-pipeline law, within 60 days. He promised to fast-track LNG projects, restart the Ring of Fire mining industry, and put an end to the foreign-funded radical environmentalists who have spent decades deliberately crippling Canada’s energy sector while collecting cash from foreign oil interests.
The crowd exploded. Because Canadians know what’s been done to them.
This country should be an energy powerhouse. Instead, under Liberal rule, we have entire provinces collapsing under green energy scams while we import oil from countries that hate us.
Poilievre knows it. Canadians know it.
And yet, for all the things he got right, there was one glaring failure.
China.
Yes, Poilievre called China a hostile power. Yes, he promised to strengthen Arctic defenses and build a new military base in Iqaluit. That’s good. That’s necessary.
But that’s not enough.
Because Trudeau didn’t just let China threaten Canada from the outside—he let them infiltrate our democracy from the inside.
And that’s where Poilievre should have gone further.
He should have hammered the Houge Inquiry—the investigation into Chinese election interference that was so damaging that Trudeau shut down Parliament to bury it.
He should have exposed how CSIS warned the Liberals about Chinese interference—and they did nothing.
He should have pledged to ban CCP-linked companies from buying Canadian land, businesses, and resources.
He should have said, plainly and directly, that Trudeau’s government was complicit in allowing a foreign dictatorship to interfere in Canada’s democracy.
But he didn’t. And that was a mistake.
Because when you are standing in front of a roaring crowd, a movement waiting for a leader to take the gloves off, that is the moment you go all in.
Poilievre is so close. He has the passion. He has the policies. He has the momentum.
But now, he has to finish the job.
That means stop holding back on China. That means stop treating this like a normal election. That means expose the entire corrupt system—not just Trudeau, but the elites who profit off Canada’s decline.
Because the crowd is ready. The movement is here. The moment is now.
The only question is: is Poilievre ready to go all the way?
Watch the entire rally here: (Pierre begins to speak at 29:00)
2025 Federal Election
Will Four More Years Of Liberals Prove The West’s Tipping Point?

The 1997 political comedy Wag The Dog featured a ruling president far behind in the polls engaging Hollywood to rescue his failing ratings. By inventing a fake war against Albania and a left-behind “hero”— nicknamed Shoe— the Hollywood producer creates a narrative that sweeps the nation.
The meme of hanging old shoes from the branches of trees and power lines catches on and re-elects the president. In a plot kicker, the vain producer is killed by the president’s handlers when he refuses to stay quiet about his handiwork. The movie’s cynicism over political spin made it a big hit in the Bill Clinton/ Monica Lewinsky days.

In the recent 2024 election the Democrats thought they’d resurrect the WTD formula to spin off senile Joe Biden at the last minute in favour of Kamala Harris. Americans saw through the obvious charade and installed Donald Trump instead.
You’d think that would be enough to dissuade Canadians who pride themselves on their hip, postmodern humour. But you’d be wrong, they don’t get the joke. Wag The Carney is the current political theatre as Liberals bury the reviled Justin Trudeau and pivot to Mark Carney. If you believe the polling it might just be working on a public besotted by ex-pat Mike Myers and “Canada’s Not For Sale”.
As opposed to Wag The Dog, few are laughing about this performative theatre, however. There are still two debates (English/ French) and over three more weeks of campaign where anything— hello Paul Chiang—can happen. But with Laurentian media bribed by the Libs— Carney is threatening those who stray— people are already projecting what another four years of Liberals in office will mean.
As the most prominent outlier to Team Canada’s “we will fight them on the beaches…” Alberta’s premier Danielle Smith is already steering a course for her province that doesn’t include going to war with America on energy. She asked Trump to delay his tariffs until Canadians had a chance to speak on the subject in an election April 28. Naturally the howler monkeys of the Left accused her of treason. She got her wish Wednesday when Canada was spared any new tariffs for the time being.

Clearly, she (and Saskatchewan premier Scott Moe) have no illusions about Carney not using their energy industry as a whipping post for his EU climate schemes. They’ve seen the cynical flip in polls as former Trudeau loyalists hurry back to the same Liberal party they abandoned in 2024. They know Carney can manipulate the Boomer demographic just as he did when he called for draconian financial methods against the peaceful Truckers Convoy in 2022.
Former Reform leader Preston Manning is unequivocal: “’Large numbers of Westerners simply will not stand for another four years of Liberal government, no matter who leads it.’“ So how does the West respond within Confederation to protect itself from a predatory Ottawa elite?
Clearly, the emissions cap— part of Carney’s radical environmental plans— will keep Alberta’s treasure in the ground. With Carney repeating no cancellation of Bill C-69 that precludes building pipelines in the future, the momentum for a referendum in Alberta will only grow. The NDP will howl, but there will be enough push among from the rest of Albertans for a new approach within Canada.
In this vein Smith even wants to approach Quebec. While it seems like odd bedfellows the two provinces most at odds with the status quo have much in common . “This is an area where our two provinces may be able to coordinate an approach,” Smith wrote this week. That could include referendums by the middle of 2026.
Perhaps the best recipe for keeping the increasingly fractious union together is a devolution of power, not unlike that governing the United Kingdom. While Westminster remains the central power since 1997, there are now separate parliaments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland that put power closer to the citizen, so that local factors are better recognized in decision making.
With so little uniting the regions of the country any longer, devolution might provide a solution. What form could decentralization take within Canada? A Western Canada Parliament could blunt predatory federal energy policies while countering the imbalances of Canada’s equalization process. Similar parliaments representing Quebec, the Atlantic provinces, Ontario and B.C. would protect their own special interests within Canada. Ottawa could handle Canada’s international obligations to defence, trade and international cooperation.
While the idea is fraught with pitfalls it nonetheless remains preferable to a breakup of the nation, which four more years of Liberals rule under Mark Carney and the same Trudeau characters will likely precipitate. Smith’s outreach case would be the beginning of such a process.
None of this would be necessary were the populations of Eastern Canada and B.C.’s lower mainland remotely serious after snoozing through the Trudeau decade. The OECD shows Canada’s 1.4% GDP barely ahead of Luxembourg and behind the rest of the industrialized world from 2015-2025. As we’ve said before the Boomers sitting on their $1 million-plus homes are re-staging Woodstock on the Canada Pension and OAS. As with Wag The Dog, they’re not getting the joke.

When the Boomers award themselves another four years of taxapalooza and Mike Myers and the other “Canada Not For For Sale” celebs head south to their tax-avoidance schemes how will the Boomers say they’ve left Canada better off for anyone under 60? We’ll hang up and listen to your answer on the TV.
Bruce Dowbiggin @dowbboy is the editor of Not The Public Broadcaster A two-time winner of the Gemini Award as Canada’s top television sports broadcaster, his new book Deal With It: The Trades That Stunned The NHL And Changed hockey is now available on Amazon. Inexact Science: The Six Most Compelling Draft Years In NHL History, his previous book with his son Evan, was voted the seventh-best professional hockey book of all time by bookauthority.org . His 2004 book Money Players was voted sixth best on the same list, and is available via brucedowbigginbooks.ca.
2025 Federal Election
Highly touted policies the Liberal government didn’t actually implement

From The Audit
State capacity is the measure of a government’s ability to get stuff done that benefits its population. There are many ways to quantify state capacity, including GDP per capita spent on health, education, and infrastructure versus outcomes; the tax-to-GDP ratio; judicial independence; enforcement of contracts; and crime rates.
But a government’s ability to actually implement its own policies has got to rank pretty high here, too. All the best intentions are worthless if, as I wrote in the context of the Liberal’s 2023 national action plan to end gender-based violence, your legislation just won’t work in the real world.
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So I thought I’d take a look at some examples of federal legislation from the past ten years that passed through Parliament but, for one reason or another, failed to do its job. We may agree or disagree with goals driving the various initiatives, but government’s failure to get the work done over and over again speaks to a striking lack of state capacity.
The 2018 Cannabis Act (Bill C-45). C-45 legalized recreational cannabis in Canada, with a larger goal of regulating production, distribution, and consumption while reducing illegal markets and protecting public health. However, research has shown that illegal sales persisted post-legalization due to high legal prices and taxation. Studies have also shown continued use among children despite regulations. And there are troubling indicators about the overall impact on public health.
The 2021 Canadian Net-Zero Emissions Accountability Act (Bill C-12). The legislation aimed to ensure Canada achieves net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 by setting five-year targets and requiring emissions reduction plans. However, critics argue it lacks enforceable mechanisms to guarantee results. A much-delayed progress report highlighted a lack of action and actual emissions reductions lagging far behind projections.
The First Nations Clean Water Act (Bill C-61) was introduced in late 2024 but, as of the recent dissolution of Parliament, not yet passed. This should be seen in the context of the Safe Drinking Water for First Nations Act (2013), which was repealed in 2021 after failing to deliver promised improvements in water quality due to inadequate funding and enforcement. The new bill aimed to address these shortcomings, but a decade and a half of inaction speaks to a special level of public impotence.
The 2019 Impact Assessment Act (Bill C-69). Passed in 2019, this legislation reformed environmental assessment processes for major projects. Many argue it failed to achieve its dual goals of streamlining approvals while enhancing environmental protection. Industry groups claim it created regulatory uncertainty (to put it mildly), while environmental groups argue it hasn’t adequately protected ecosystems. No one seems happy with this one.
The 2019 Firearms Act (Bill C-71). Parts of this firearms legislation were delayed in implementation, particularly the point-of-sale record keeping requirements for non-restricted firearms. Some provisions weren’t fully implemented until years after passage.
The 2013 First Nations Financial Transparency Act. – This legislation, while technically implemented, was not fully enforced after 2015 when the Liberal government stopped penalizing First Nations that didn’t comply with its financial disclosure requirements.
The 2019 National Housing Strategy Act. From the historical perspective of six years of hindsight, the law has manifestly failed to meaningfully address Canada’s housing affordability crisis. Housing prices and homelessness have continued their rise in major urban centers.
The 2019 Indigenous Languages Act (Bill C-91). Many Indigenous advocates have argued the funding and mechanisms have been insufficient to achieve its goal of revitalizing endangered Indigenous languages.
The 2007 Public Servants Disclosure Protection Act (PSDPA). Designed to protect whistleblowers within the federal public service, the PSDPA has been criticized for its ineffectiveness. During its first three years, the Office of the Public Sector Integrity Commissioner (OPSIC) astonishingly reported no findings of wrongdoing or reprisal, despite numerous submissions. A 2017 review by the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates recommended significant reforms, but there’s been no visible progress.
There were, of course, many bills from the past ten years that were fully implemented.¹ But the failure rate is high enough that I’d argue it should be taken into account when measuring our state capacity.
Still, as a friend once noted, there’s a silver lining to all this: the one thing more frightening than an inefficient and ineffective government is an efficient and effective government. So there’s that.
The fact that we’re still living through the tail end of a massive bout of inflation provides clear testimony that Bill C-13 (COVID-19 Emergency Response Act) had an impact.
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