David Clinton
Is Marriage the Strongest Predictor of Wealth in Canada?
Love, they say, is a many-splendored thing. But I can tell you with confidence that, in Canada at least, it also pays handsomely.
Sharp downward trends in fertility rates are pointing to a bleak future. And as we’re discovering, immigration isn’t necessarily going to save us. Working on the reasonable assumption that the high costs of raising kids were holding us back, governments have been working for decades to encourage childbirth through programs like the Canada Child Tax Benefit. Their hearts were in the right place, but the result haven’t been great.
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The child and family support programs have been significant. For example, the average total of government support transfers in inflation-adjusted dollars paid to single parents have grown from $11,600 in 1976 to $19,400 in 2022. That amounts to around 29 percent of their average total earned income. Benefits for couples with children nearly tripled from a 1976 average of $5,800 to $15,300 by 2022. Those transfers included child benefits, employment insurance benefits, and social assistance.
But it turns out that even without government programs, marriage and parenting are both financially rewarding endeavors. In 2022, According to Statistics Canada, the average individual “not in an economic family” earned just $53,400 from both market (i.e., earned) income and government support. That same year, couples earned $135,600 – an increase of around 51 percent over what they would have earned in 1976. And the average couple with children took $169,900 home. For comparison, single parents earned just $80,100.
Of course it’s possible that couples who happen to be wealthier are more likely consider themselves capable of raising children, so to some extent they’re self-selecting. And some singles feel unable to start families because of crazy housing costs. Nevertheless, it seems that marriage and, to a lesser degree, parenthood are important predictors of higher income.
Are government social support programs behind the imbalance? Not so much. The average couple in 2022 received $7,300 in benefits, but that’s significantly less than the $9,800 that the average singles (without kids) got. In fact, it’s also a lot less than the $10,400 childless couples would have received from the government in 1976.
It’s clearly earned income that’s driving the greater wealth of both couples as a whole and couples with children.
This isn’t a new development. Throughout the half century since 1976 – when you exclude government benefits – couples have out-earned singles by an average of 140 percent. And couples with children have earned an average of 12.5 percent more than couples in general.
The bottom line is that couples – both with and without children – earn significantly more than both single parents and singles living outside of a family unit. This economic reality has persisted through financial crises, evolving government policy standards, and social upheavals.
That knowledge could play a role in young peoples’ thinking as they plan their lives. But it’s also one of many reasons that we, as a society, should aggressively protect the integrity of the family as an institution. All things being equal, families lead to better outcomes.
This idea is something found in no less a source than the United Nation’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 16):
The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
There is something a bit strange about all this data that I can’t explain. between 1990 and 2004, the difference between total income of couples with children and total income of single parents was significantly greater than the years either before or since.
Many things happened in the early 90’s that might have triggered the growing disparity (like the introduction of the Canada Child Tax Benefit, increasing access to childcare, or a narrowing gender pay gap), but none of them suddenly stopped in 2004. And one could imagine similar social and policy changes that might have reduced the disparity after 2004 (like increased female workforce participation), but none of them really began in 2005.
That odd differential certainly looks real. But maybe it doesn’t mean anything. Sometimes a cigar is just a cigar. Any thoughts to share?
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Business
Does Income Inequality Matter?
Super-high income taxes don’t increase government revenues. But can taxes be “smart”?
Reducing poverty and its harms is among the most urgent responsibilities of any modern government. But despite the claims of some activists, this particular problem has no obvious and easy solution. I’m going to suggest that targeting income inequality in particular is a waste of time.
First of all, income in Canada is actually not all that unequal. Income inequality is often measured by the Gini Coefficient. A Gini score of zero would represent total income equality, where everyone earns exactly the same amount. A score of one (or, sometimes, 100) represents perfect inequality, meaning one person has all the income, and everyone else has none.
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Statistics Canada data shows changes to the Gini Coefficient in Canada between 1976 and 2022:
Relatively speaking, those numbers are quite low and – when you ignore the weird COVID years – they also haven’t changed much since 1976. For comparison, the U.S. Gini coefficient in 2023 was 0.47, while (Communist!) China’s was 0.465 – both significantly higher than ours. The worst and best scores are, respectively, claimed by South Africa (.63) and Norway (.23).
But the real reason that talking about income inequality is an unnecessary distraction, is because there’s nothing you can do about it.
As I pointed out in a recent article, the 2 percent of Canadians whose assessed taxable incomes are above $250,000 contribute nearly 30 percent of all personal income tax revenue. They’re already clearly – and for the most part willingly – carrying far more than their share.
Ok. But why not slap the super-rich with a 90 percent marginal income tax? Well that’s been tried. The Beatles even recorded an angry song about it. But as far as I can tell, such taxes have always led to decreasing tax revenues. That’s because the people you’re targeting will either decide to earn less or simply move their businesses and assets to more tax-friendly countries – that often come with the added bonus of good weather.
If you’d ask me for my opinion, I’d say that the federal government could easily free up billions of dollars to address poverty by cutting waste. And a good first step in that direction would involve sharply decreasing the size of our bloated civil service.
How those extra funds could be better spent in a way that actually helps the poor isn’t a simple question. And it’s something you’d definitely want to get right on the first shot. Not to mention that some problems just can be solved with more money.
But in the unlikely event that you did find an expensive solution AND money freed up by new government efficiencies wasn’t enough, one might consider an intelligently designed wealth tax. Wealth taxes – which can take the form of property and estate taxes – have been used for centuries. The catch is that, if they’re poorly designed, they can be destructive. Just imagine a tax on real estate worth more than a million dollars that ends up wiping out seniors counting on the value of their homes to fund their retirements.
An OECD report from a few years back identifies a long list of developed countries whose wealth taxes largely failed to deliver significant revenue boosts. Those included Spain, Austria, Denmark, and Germany.
Norway, with a wealth tax worth as much as 1.5 percent of net wealth, was one of the report’s few success stories. But even they now seem to be having serious problems with compliance. Apparently, rich and industrious Norwegians are leaving the country in such high numbers that the government has imposed a punitive exit tax. I’m sure that’ll work out just great. (The Free Press recently published a piece on Norway’s problem.)
Nevertheless, if there is a universe where the words “smart” and “tax” can happily co-exist in a single sentence, then it’s more likely to work when you also find a way to include “wealth”, “balanced”, and “focused”.
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David Clinton
The Hidden and Tragic Costs of Housing and Immigration Policies
We’ve discussed the housing crisis before. That would include the destabilizing combination of housing availability – in particular a weak supply of new construction – and the immigration-driven population growth.
Parsing all the data can be fun, but we shouldn’t forget the human costs of the crisis. There’s the significant financial strain caused by rising ownership and rental costs, the stress so many experience when desperately searching for somewhere decent to live, and the pressure on businesses struggling to pay workers enough to survive in madly expensive cities.
If Canada doesn’t have the resources to house Canadians, should there be fewer of us?
Well we’ve also discussed the real problems caused by low fertility rates. As they’ve already discovered in low-immigration countries like Japan and South Korea, there’s the issue of who will care for the growing numbers of childless elderly. And who – as working-age populations sharply decline – will sign up for the jobs that are necessary to keep things running.
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The odds are that we’re only a decade or so behind Japan. Remember how a population’s replacement-level fertility rate is around 2.1 percent? Here’s how Canadian “fertility rates per female” have dropped since 1991:
Put differently, Canada’s crude birth rate per 1,000 population dropped from 14.4 in 1991, to 8.8 in 2023.
As a nation, we face very difficult constraints.
But there’s another cost to our problems that’s both powerful and personal, and it exists at a place that overlaps both crises. A recent analysis by the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) frames it in terms of suppressed household formation.
Household formation happens when two more more people choose to share a home. As I’ve written previously, there are enormous economic benefits to such arrangements, and the more permanent and stable the better. There’s also plenty of evidence that children raised within stable families have statistically improved economic, educational, and social outcomes.
But if households can’t form, there won’t be a lot of children.
In fact, the PBO projects that population and housing availability numbers point to the suppression of nearly a half a million households in 2030. And that’s incorporating the government’s optimistic assumptions about their new Immigration Levels Plan (ILP) to reduce targets for both permanent and temporary residents. It also assumes that all 2.8 million non-permanent residents will leave the country when their visas expire. Things will be much worse if either of those assumptions doesn’t work out according to plan.
Think about a half a million suppressed households. That number represents the dreams and life’s goals of at least a million people. Hundreds of thousands of 30-somethings still living in their parents basements. Hundreds of thousands of stable, successful, and socially integrated families that will never exist.
And all that will be largely (although not exclusively) the result of dumb-as-dirt political decisions.
Who says policy doesn’t matter?
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