Business
Growing the government won’t help Canada’s economy

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro and Alex Whalen
Empirical research suggests that economic growth is maximized when the size of government falls between 24 and 32 per cent of GDP. In other words, when governments spend in excess of this range, the economy will not grow as much as it would if government operated within that threshold
Canada is suffering from an economic growth crisis, and governments across the country should reassess their policies. Governments (particularly the federal government) have recently taken a more active role in the economy through increased spending and bureaucracy. However, policymakers must take a step back and recognize that growing government doesn’t lead to growth in the economy.
Canada’s economy has been stagnant for the last decade. From 2013 to 2022, per-person GDP (a broad measure of living standards) grew at its slowest pace since the 1930s, after accounting for inflation. And more recent data shows that in the fourth quarter of 2023, per-person GDP (inflation-adjusted) stood at $58,111—which is $51 per person lower than it was at the end of 2014. Simply put, Canadians have experienced a decade of dismal growth, and are now actually worse off than they were a decade ago.
During this time, many governments in Canada have adopted an approach of greater involvement in the economy and significantly higher spending. Take the federal government, for example.
Since 2014/15, the government has increased annual program spending (total spending minus debt interest) by roughly 75 per cent, from $256.3 billion to $448.2 billion in 2022/23. Moreover, the Trudeau government has recorded the five-highest years of federal spending in Canadian history, after accounting for population growth and inflation. Much of this spending has gone towards expanding Ottawa’s role in the economy through increased transfers, business subsidies or new programs such as $10-a-day daycare and national dental care.
Provincial governments in Quebec, Nova Scotia and British Columbia (to name a few) have also recently reached historical highs in per-person program spending (even after excluding COVID-related spending). Simply put, governments across the country have been increasing spending and becoming more involved in the economy.
One way to measure the size of government, that allows for the comparison of jurisdictions over time, is known as total consolidated government spending as a share of GDP. This measure includes all spending at the local, provincial and federal levels in a jurisdiction and compares that level to the size of the economy.
According to a recent study, in 2022 (the latest year of available data) the size of government in Canada was 40.5 per cent of GDP compared to 38.2 per cent in 2014.
Among the provinces, total government spending ranged from 26.8 per cent of GDP in Alberta to 63.0 per cent of GDP in Nova Scotia. Compared to 2014, the size of government grew in eight of 10 provinces—only Prince Edward Island and B.C. experienced declines in government spending as a share of the economy. It’s also important to note that this is simply government spending. The true size of government, when accounting for things like regulation, is even larger.
Growing government matters because it influences economic growth. When the size of government is below a certain level, it lacks the resources to deliver services such as policing, courts or national defence—which are essential to a functioning economy. On the other hand, when government is too big it engages in activities best left to the free market and effectively crowds-out private-sector activity that contributes to economic growth. Therefore, when a government is too small or too big, economic growth (and consequently living standards) suffer.
Empirical research suggests that economic growth is maximized when the size of government falls between 24 and 32 per cent of GDP. In other words, when governments spend in excess of this range, the economy will not grow as much as it would if government operated within that threshold—all else equal. Based on the numbers presented above, it’s clear the vast majority of governments in Canada are too big. For nine of 10 provinces and the federal government, their spending exceeded 32 per cent of GDP in 2022.
As Canadians look for solutions to address a stagnating economy and falling living standards, governments should recognize that taking a more active role in the economy won’t solve the problem—and will likely make it worse.
Authors:
Bjorn Lomborg
Net zero’s cost-benefit ratio is crazy high

From the Fraser Institute
The best academic estimates show that over the century, policies to achieve net zero would cost every person on Earth the equivalent of more than CAD $4,000 every year. Of course, most people in poor countries cannot afford anywhere near this. If the cost falls solely on the rich world, the price-tag adds up to almost $30,000 (CAD) per person, per year, over the century.
Canada has made a legal commitment to achieve “net zero” carbon emissions by 2050. Back in 2015, then-Prime Minister Trudeau promised that climate action will “create jobs and economic growth” and the federal government insists it will create a “strong economy.” The truth is that the net zero policy generates vast costs and very little benefit—and Canada would be better off changing direction.
Achieving net zero carbon emissions is far more daunting than politicians have ever admitted. Canada is nowhere near on track. Annual Canadian CO₂ emissions have increased 20 per cent since 1990. In the time that Trudeau was prime minister, fossil fuel energy supply actually increased over 11 per cent. Similarly, the share of fossil fuels in Canada’s total energy supply (not just electricity) increased from 75 per cent in 2015 to 77 per cent in 2023.
Over the same period, the switch from coal to gas, and a tiny 0.4 percentage point increase in the energy from solar and wind, has reduced annual CO₂ emissions by less than three per cent. On that trend, getting to zero won’t take 25 years as the Liberal government promised, but more than 160 years. One study shows that the government’s current plan which won’t even reach net-zero will cost Canada a quarter of a million jobs, seven per cent lower GDP and wages on average $8,000 lower.
Globally, achieving net-zero will be even harder. Remember, Canada makes up about 1.5 per cent of global CO₂ emissions, and while Canada is already rich with plenty of energy, the world’s poor want much more energy.
In order to achieve global net-zero by 2050, by 2030 we would already need to achieve the equivalent of removing the combined emissions of China and the United States — every year. This is in the realm of science fiction.
The painful Covid lockdowns of 2020 only reduced global emissions by about six per cent. To achieve net zero, the UN points out that we would need to have doubled those reductions in 2021, tripled them in 2022, quadrupled them in 2023, and so on. This year they would need to be sextupled, and by 2030 increased 11-fold. So far, the world hasn’t even managed to start reducing global carbon emissions, which last year hit a new record.
Data from both the International Energy Agency and the US Energy Information Administration give added cause for skepticism. Both organizations foresee the world getting more energy from renewables: an increase from today’s 16 per cent to between one-quarter to one-third of all primary energy by 2050. But that is far from a transition. On an optimistically linear trend, this means we’re a century or two away from achieving 100 percent renewables.
Politicians like to blithely suggest the shift away from fossil fuels isn’t unprecedented, because in the past we transitioned from wood to coal, from coal to oil, and from oil to gas. The truth is, humanity hasn’t made a real energy transition even once. Coal didn’t replace wood but mostly added to global energy, just like oil and gas have added further additional energy. As in the past, solar and wind are now mostly adding to our global energy output, rather than replacing fossil fuels.
Indeed, it’s worth remembering that even after two centuries, humanity’s transition away from wood is not over. More than two billion mostly poor people still depend on wood for cooking and heating, and it still provides about 5 per cent of global energy.
Like Canada, the world remains fossil fuel-based, as it delivers more than four-fifths of energy. Over the last half century, our dependence has declined only slightly from 87 per cent to 82 per cent, but in absolute terms we have increased our fossil fuel use by more than 150 per cent. On the trajectory since 1971, we will reach zero fossil fuel use some nine centuries from now, and even the fastest period of recent decline from 2014 would see us taking over three centuries.
Global warming will create more problems than benefits, so achieving net-zero would see real benefits. Over the century, the average person would experience benefits worth $700 (CAD) each year.
But net zero policies will be much more expensive. The best academic estimates show that over the century, policies to achieve net zero would cost every person on Earth the equivalent of more than CAD $4,000 every year. Of course, most people in poor countries cannot afford anywhere near this. If the cost falls solely on the rich world, the price-tag adds up to almost $30,000 (CAD) per person, per year, over the century.
Every year over the 21st century, costs would vastly outweigh benefits, and global costs would exceed benefits by over CAD 32 trillion each year.
We would see much higher transport costs, higher electricity costs, higher heating and cooling costs and — as businesses would also have to pay for all this — drastic increases in the price of food and all other necessities. Just one example: net-zero targets would likely increase gas costs some two-to-four times even by 2030, costing consumers up to $US52.6 trillion. All that makes it a policy that just doesn’t make sense—for Canada and for the world.
Business
‘Great Reset’ champion Klaus Schwab resigns from WEF

From LifeSiteNews
Schwab’s World Economic Forum became a globalist hub for population control, radical climate agenda, and transhuman ideology under his decades-long leadership.
Klaus Schwab, founder of the World Economic Forum and the face of the NGO’s elitist annual get-together in Davos, Switzerland, has resigned as chair of WEF.
Over the decades, but especially over the past several years, the WEF’s Davos annual symposium has become a lightning rod for conservative criticism due to the agendas being pushed there by the elites. As the Associated Press noted:
Widely regarded as a cheerleader for globalization, the WEF’s Davos gathering has in recent years drawn criticism from opponents on both left and right as an elitist talking shop detached from lives of ordinary people.
While WEF itself had no formal power, the annual Davos meeting brought together many of the world’s wealthiest and most influential figures, contributing to Schwab’s personal worth and influence.
Schwab’s resignation on April 20 was announced by the Geneva-based WEF on April 21, but did not indicate why the 88-year-old was resigning. “Following my recent announcement, and as I enter my 88th year, I have decided to step down from the position of Chair and as a member of the Board of Trustees, with immediate effect,” Schwab said in a brief statement. He gave no indication of what he plans to do next.
Schwab founded the World Economic Forum – originally the European Management Forum – in 1971, and its initial mission was to assist European business leaders in competing with American business and to learn from U.S. models and innovation. However, the mission soon expanded to the development of a global economic agenda.
Schwab detailed his own agenda in several books, including The Fourth Industrial Revolution (2016), in which he described the rise of a new industrial era in which technologies such artificial intelligence, gene editing, and advanced robotics would blur the lines between the digital, physical, and biological worlds. Schwab wrote:
We stand on the brink of a technological revolution that will fundamentally alter the way we live, work, and relate to one another. In its scale, scope, and complexity, the transformation will be unlike anything humankind has experienced before. We do not yet know just how it will unfold, but one thing is clear: the response to it must be integrated and comprehensive, involving all stakeholders of the global polity, from the public and private sectors to academia and civil society …
The Fourth Industrial Revolution, finally, will change not only what we do but also who we are. It will affect our identity and all the issues associated with it: our sense of privacy, our notions of ownership, our consumption patterns, the time we devote to work and leisure, and how we develop our careers, cultivate our skills, meet people, and nurture relationships. It is already changing our health and leading to a “quantified” self, and sooner than we think it may lead to human augmentation.
How? Microchips implanted into humans, for one. Schwab was a tech optimist who appeared to heartily welcome transhumanism; in a 2016 interview with France 24 discussing his book, he stated:
And then you have the microchip, which will be implanted, probably within the next ten years, first to open your car, your home, or to do your passport, your payments, and then it will be in your body to monitor your health.
In 2020, mere months into the pandemic, Schwab published COVID-19: The Great Reset, in which he detailed his view of the opportunity presented by the growing global crisis. According to Schwab, the crisis was an opportunity for a global reset that included “stakeholder capitalism,” in which corporations could integrate social and environmental goals into their operations, especially working toward “net-zero emissions” and a massive transition to green energy, and “harnessing” the Fourth Industrial Revolution, including artificial intelligence and automation.
Much of Schwab’s personal wealth came from running the World Economic Forum; as chairman, he earned an annual salary of 1 million Swiss francs (approximately $1 million USD), and the WEF was supported financially through membership fees from over 1,000 companies worldwide as well as significant contributions from organizations such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Vice Chairman Peter Brabeck-Letmathe is now serving as interim chairman until his replacement has been selected.
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