Business
Government debt burden increasing across Canada

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill, Jake Fuss and Spencer Gudewill
As governments across Canada unveil their 2025 budgets, outlining their tax and spending plans for the upcoming fiscal year, they have an opportunity to reverse the trend of deficits and increasing debt that has reigned in recent years.
Indeed, budget deficits, which fuel debt accumulation, have become a serious fiscal challenge for the federal and many provincial governments, primarily due to high levels of government spending. Since 2007/08—the final fiscal year before the financial crisis—combined federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) has nearly doubled from $1.2 trillion to a projected $2.3 trillion in 2024/25. And you can’t blame COVID, as combined federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) increased by nearly $600 billion between 2007/08 and 2019/20.
Federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) per person has increased in every province since 2007/08. As shown in the below chart, Newfoundland and Labrador has the highest combined (federal and provincial) debt per person ($68,516) in 2024/25 followed by Quebec ($60,565) and Ontario ($60,456). In contrast, Alberta has the lowest combined debt per person ($41,236) in the country. Combined federal and provincial net debt represents the total provincial net debt, and the federal portion allocated to each of the provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.
The combined federal and total provincial debt-to-GDP ratio, an important fiscal indicator that compares debt with the size of the overall economy, is projected to reach 75.2 per cent in 2024/25. By comparison, the ratio was 53.2 per cent in 2007/08. A rising debt-to-GDP ratio indicates government debt has grown at an unsustainable rate (in other words, debt levels are growing faster than the economy). Among the provinces, the combined federal-provincial debt-to-GDP ratio is highest in Nova Scotia (92.0 per cent) and lowest in Alberta (42.2 per cent). Again, the federal debt portion is allocated to provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.
Interest payments are a major consequence of debt accumulation. Governments must make interest payments on their debt similar to households that must pay interest on mortgages, vehicles or credit card spending. When taxpayer money goes towards interest payments, there’s less money available for tax cuts or government programs such as health care and education.
Interest on government debt (federal and provincial) costs each Canadian at least $1,930 in 2024/25. The amount, however, varies by province. Combined interest costs per person are highest in Newfoundland and Labrador ($3,453) and lowest in Alberta ($1,930). Similar to net debt, combined federal and provincial interest costs are represented by the total of the provincial and federal portion with the federal portion allocated to each of provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.
Debt accumulation comes with consequences for everyday Canadians as more and more taxpayer money flows towards interest payments rather than tax relief or programs and services. This budget season, federal and provincial governments should develop long-term plans to meaningfully address the growing debt problem in Canada.
2025 Federal Election
Next federal government should end corporate welfare for forced EV transition

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill and Jake Fuss
Corporate welfare simply shifts jobs and investment away from other firms and industries—which are more productive, as they don’t require government funding to be economically viable—to the governments’ preferred industries and firms, circumventing the preferences of consumers and investors. And since politicians spend other people’s money, they have little incentive to be careful investors.
General Motors recently announced the temporary closure of its electric vehicle (EV) manufacturing plant in Ontario, laying off 500 people because its new EV isn’t selling. The plant will shut down for six months despite hundreds of millions in government subsides financed by taxpayers. This is just one more example of corporate welfare—when governments subsidize favoured industries and companies—and it’s time for the provinces and the next federal government to eliminate it.
Between the federal government and Ontario government, GM received about $500 million to help fund its EV transition. But this is just one example of corporate welfare in the auto sector. Stellantis and Volkswagen will receive about $28 billion in government subsidies while Honda is promised $5 billion.
More broadly, from 2007 to 2019, the last pre-COVID year of data, the federal government spent an estimated $84.6 billion (adjusted for inflation) on corporate welfare while provincial and local governments spent another $302.9 billion. And crucially, these numbers exclude other forms of government support such as loan guarantees, direct investments and regulatory privileges, so the actual cost of corporate welfare during this period was much higher.
Of course, politicians claim that corporate welfare benefits workers. Yet according to a significant body of research, corporate welfare fails to generate widespread economic benefit. Think of it this way—if the businesses that received subsidies were viable to begin with, they wouldn’t need government support. So unprofitable companies are kept in business through governments’ support, which can prevent resources, including investment and workers, from moving to profitable companies, hurting overall economic growth.
Put differently, rather than fuelling economic growth, corporate welfare simply shifts jobs and investment away from other firms and industries—which are more productive, as they don’t require government funding to be economically viable—to the governments’ preferred industries and firms, circumventing the preferences of consumers and investors. And since politicians spend other people’s money, they have little incentive to be careful investors.
Governments also must impose higher tax rates on everyone else to pay for corporate welfare. In turn, higher tax rates discourage entrepreneurship and business investment—again, which fuels economic growth. And the higher the tax rates, the more economic activity they discourage.
GM’s EV plant shut down once again proves that when governments try to engineer the economy with corporate welfare, workers will ultimately lose. It’s time for the provinces and the next federal government—whoever it may be—to finally put an end to this costly and ineffective policy approach.
Business
Hudson’s Bay Bid Raises Red Flags Over Foreign Influence

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
A billionaire’s retail ambition might also serve Beijing’s global influence strategy. Canada must look beyond the storefront
When B.C. billionaire Weihong Liu publicly declared interest in acquiring Hudson’s Bay stores, it wasn’t just a retail story—it was a signal flare in an era where foreign investment increasingly doubles as geopolitical strategy.
The Hudson’s Bay Company, founded in 1670, remains an enduring symbol of Canadian heritage. While its commercial relevance has waned in recent years, its brand is deeply etched into the national identity. That’s precisely why any potential acquisition, particularly by an investor with strong ties to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), deserves thoughtful, measured scrutiny.
Liu, a prominent figure in Vancouver’s Chinese-Canadian business community, announced her interest in acquiring several Hudson’s Bay stores on Chinese social media platform Xiaohongshu (RedNote), expressing a desire to “make the Bay great again.” Though revitalizing a Canadian retail icon may seem commendable, the timing and context of this bid suggest a broader strategic positioning—one that aligns with the People’s Republic of China’s increasingly nuanced approach to economic diplomacy, especially in countries like Canada that sit at the crossroads of American and Chinese spheres of influence.
This fits a familiar pattern. In recent years, we’ve seen examples of Chinese corporate involvement in Canadian cultural and commercial institutions, such as Huawei’s past sponsorship of Hockey Night in Canada. Even as national security concerns were raised by allies and intelligence agencies, Huawei’s logo remained a visible presence during one of the country’s most cherished broadcasts. These engagements, though often framed as commercially justified, serve another purpose: to normalize Chinese brand and state-linked presence within the fabric of Canadian identity and daily life.
What we may be witnessing is part of a broader PRC strategy to deepen economic and cultural ties with Canada at a time when U.S.-China relations remain strained. As American tariffs on Canadian goods—particularly in aluminum, lumber and dairy—have tested cross-border loyalties, Beijing has positioned itself as an alternative economic partner. Investments into cultural and heritage-linked assets like Hudson’s Bay could be seen as a symbolic extension of this effort to draw Canada further into its orbit of influence, subtly decoupling the country from the gravitational pull of its traditional allies.
From my perspective, as a professional with experience in threat finance, economic subversion and political leveraging, this does not necessarily imply nefarious intent in each case. However, it does demand a conscious awareness of how soft power is exercised through commercial influence, particularly by state-aligned actors. As I continue my research in international business law, I see how investment vehicles, trade deals and brand acquisitions can function as instruments of foreign policy—tools for shaping narratives, building alliances and shifting influence over time.
Canada must neither overreact nor overlook these developments. Open markets and cultural exchange are vital to our prosperity and pluralism. But so too is the responsibility to preserve our sovereignty—not only in the physical sense, but in the cultural and institutional dimensions that shape our national identity.
Strategic investment review processes, cultural asset protections and greater transparency around foreign corporate ownership can help strike this balance. We should be cautious not to allow historically Canadian institutions to become conduits, however unintentionally, for geopolitical leverage.
In a world where power is increasingly exercised through influence rather than force, safeguarding our heritage means understanding who is buying—and why.
Scott McGregor is the managing partner and CEO of Close Hold Intelligence Consulting.
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