Do Electric Vehicle Subsidies Work?

Governments in Canada have been begging us to purchase EVs and plug-in hybrids for years. The carrot has been $600 million annually in federal subsidies (and more at the provincial level) aimed at consumers. The stick is the dark threat of outlawing internal combustion engines altogether. A third approach involves splashing billions of dollars of handouts and tax credits in the general direction of companies with starry-eyed plans to manufacture EV components locally.

I’m not going to discuss whether EVs are actually the best solution for whatever ails the environment. That may be a few levels above my pay grade. Instead, I’d like to analyze whether the consumer-focused subsidies actually worked.

To do that I first identified the provinces that offered subsidies for “battery electric vehicles” (i.e., EVs). Those would be British Columbia, Quebec, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. That’ll give us a nice reference point for comparison against provinces that don’t offer subsidies. Specifically, those are Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario. (Although Manitoba did just introduce a rebate program in July of 2024.)

Of course, there are also federal subsidies available across the country.

Now there is one problem with the Statistics Canada sales data. Due to some weird licensing issue, there’s no sales data at all for Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, or Alberta. We’ll just have to do our best with what we’ve got.

Here are the numbers expressed as sales per 100,000 people (based on 2024 provincial population estimates):

The obvious big mover here is Quebec. Their Roulez Vert program – at $7,000 – is the most generous in the country (although it’s currently set to be phased-out by 2027). But Roulez Vert has been around since 2012, so it might not completely explain those huge jumps since 2022.

If you squint really hard at the graph, you should notice a modest jump in Ontario EV sales back in 2018. That would probably be due to last-minute bargain hunters reacting to the Ford government’s plans to cancel Ontario’s rebate.

But none of that is going to give us the precision we need to answer our real question: did government subsidies actually drive more EV sales? For that, we’ll need a bit of statistical analysis. This scatter plot visualizes the relationships between subsidies and average sales over time:

If our only data point was Quebec – with its impressive sales and high subsidy level – then the conclusion would be straightforward. But that’s exactly why we look for more data. So, for instance, BC has sales that, proportionally, were close to Quebec’s but with rebates that were 40 percent lower. And Canada’s federal rebates played a role in relatively few overall sales.

For those of you who enjoy such things, here are the actual numbers SciPy’s linear regression gave me:

Slope: 0.005910745672259122
Intercept: 13.256019105900187
R-squared: 0.31881294222441453
P-value: 0.14480378835260208
Standard Error: 0.00352721449117312

The slope indicates that for every additional thousand dollars of subsidy, EV sales would increase by only around six vehicles per 100,000 people. That’s compared with the intercept (13.26) which estimates the baseline (no-subsidy) sales at 13.26 units per 100,000 people.

The R-squared value suggests that about 32 percent of the variability in EV sales per 100,000 people is explained by the subsidy amount. But the P-value strongly suggests that the relationship is not statistically significant.

Meaning, in other words, that there’s no clear cause-and-effect relationship between the billions of dollars of government handouts and real-world vehicle sales. It’s distinctly possible that just as many EVs would have been purchased had there been no subsidies.

Related Topics:#DavidClinton #EVSubsidies DoEVSubsidiesWork ElectricVehicleSubsidies TheAudit

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Dark Web Tesla Doxxers Used Widely-Popular Parking App Data To Find Targets, Analysis Shows

Published on April 5, 2025

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Thomas English

A dark web doxxing website targeting Tesla owners and allies of Elon Musk appears to be compiled from hacked data originally stolen from a massive ParkMobile app breach in 2021, according to records obtained by a data privacy group.

The site, known as DogeQuest, first appeared in March and publishes names, home addresses, contact details and other personal information tied to Tesla drivers and DOGE staff. Marketed as a hub for anti-Musk “creative expressions of protest,” the platform has been linked to real-world vandalism and remains live on the dark web. Federal investigations into DogeQuest are already underway, the New York Post first reported.

“If you’re on the hunt for a Tesla to unleash your artistic flair with a spray can, just step outside — no map needed! At DOGEQUEST, we believe in empowering creative expressions of protest that you can execute from the comfort of your own home,” the surface-web DogeQuest site reads. “DOGEQUEST neither endorses nor condemns any actions.”

A screenshot of the DogeQuest surface website captured on April 3, 2025. (Captured by Thomas English/Daily Caller News Foundation)

ObscureIQ, a data privacy group, compiled a breakdown of the data — obtained by the Daily Caller News Foundation — and determined 98.2% of records used to populate the site matched individuals affected by the 2021 ParkMobile breach.

Encouraging destruction of Teslas throughout the country is extreme domestic terrorism!! https://t.co/8TCNIbrQxA

— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) March 18, 2025

DogeQuest originally appeared as a surface web doxxing hub, encouraging vandalism of Teslas and displaying names, addresses, contact details and, in some cases, employment information for roughly 1,700 individuals. The site used stolen ParkMobile records along with data purchased from brokers, flagging anyone who had a Tesla listed in their vehicle registration profile, according to ObscureIQ’s analysis.

The platform — now operating as “DogeQuest Unleashed” via a .onion dark web address — has also published personal details of high-value targets including senior military officials, federal employees and private sector executives in Silicon Valley. A spreadsheet reviewed by the Daily Caller News Foundation indicates several individuals targeted work areas like cybersecurity, defense contracting, public health and diplomatic policy. DOGE staff and their families appear prominently throughout the data.

A screenshot of DogeQuest’s surface website, captured on April 3, 2025. (Captured by Thomas English/Daily Caller News Foundation)

No other reporting has yet tied DogeQuest directly to the ParkMobile breach, which impacted over 21 million users in 2021. The company, which facilitates cashless parking across the U.S., quietly disclosed the breach in April of that year, admitting that “basic user information” had been accessed. ObscureIQ’s research shows that exposed data included email addresses, license plate numbers and phone numbers — enough to triangulate identity when paired with commercial data brokers.

The company agreed to a $32 million settlement to resolve a class-action lawsuit stemming from the data breach. The lawsuit alleged that ParkMobile failed to secure its Amazon Web Services cloud storage, allowing access to the data. Although payment data were reportedly not compromised, plaintiffs argued the exposed information still posed serious privacy risks — a claim now reinforced by its use in the DogeQuest doxxing campaign.

Despite federal attention, the site has proven difficult to keep offline, as the dark web mirror incorporates anonymized hosting methods, frustrating law enforcement takedown efforts.

The Department of Justice charged three suspects last week linked to physical attacks on Tesla vehicles, charging stations and dealerships across multiple states, though it has not publicly confirmed any link between those suspects and DogeQuest. Meanwhile, the FBI has acknowledged it is “actively working” on both the doxxing campaign and a parallel rise in swatting incidents affecting DOGE affiliates.

Automotive

Auto giant shuts down foreign plants as Trump moves to protect U.S. industry

Published on April 4, 2025

Todayville

MxM News

Quick Hit:

Stellantis is pausing vehicle production at two North American facilities—one in Canada and another in Mexico—following President Donald Trump’s announcement of 25% tariffs on foreign-made cars. The move marks one of the first corporate responses to the administration’s push to bring back American manufacturing.

Key Details:

In an email to workers Thursday, Stellantis North America chief Antonio Filosa directly tied the production pause to the new tariffs, writing that the company is “continuing to assess the medium- and long-term effects” but is “temporarily pausing production” at select assembly plants outside the U.S.
Production at the Windsor Assembly Plant in Ontario will be paused for two weeks, while the Toluca Assembly Plant in Mexico will be offline for the entire month of April.
These plants produce the Chrysler Pacifica minivan, the new Dodge Charger Daytona EV, the Jeep Compass SUV, and the Jeep Wagoneer S EV.

Diving Deeper:

On Wednesday afternoon in the White House Rose Garden, President Trump announced sweeping new tariffs aimed at revitalizing America’s auto manufacturing industry. The 25% tariffs on all imported cars are part of a broader “reciprocal tariffs” strategy, which Trump described as ending decades of globalist trade policies that hollowed out U.S. industry.

Just a day later, Stellantis became the first major automaker to act on the new policy, halting production at two of its international plants. According to an internal email obtained by CNBC, Stellantis North American COO Antonio Filosa said the company is “taking immediate actions” to respond to the tariff policy while continuing to evaluate the broader impact.

“These actions will impact some employees at several of our U.S. powertrain and stamping facilities that support those operations,” Filosa wrote.

The Windsor, Ontario plant, which builds the Chrysler Pacifica and the newly introduced Dodge Charger Daytona EV, will shut down for two weeks. The Toluca facility in Mexico, responsible for the Jeep Compass and Jeep Wagoneer S EV, will suspend operations for the entire month of April.

The move comes as Stellantis continues to face scrutiny for its reliance on low-wage labor in foreign markets. As reported by Breitbart News, the company has spent years shifting production and engineering jobs to countries like Brazil, India, Morocco, and Mexico—often at the expense of American workers. Last year alone, Stellantis cut around 400 U.S.-based engineering positions while ramping up operations overseas.

Meanwhile, General Motors appears to be responding differently. According to Reuters, GM told employees in a webcast Thursday that it will increase production of light-duty trucks at its Fort Wayne, Indiana plant—where it builds the Chevrolet Silverado and GMC Sierra. These models are also assembled in Mexico and Canada, but GM’s decision suggests a shift in production to the U.S. could be underway in light of the tariffs.

As Trump’s trade reset takes effect, more automakers are expected to recalibrate their production strategies—potentially signaling a long-awaited shift away from offshoring and toward rebuilding American industry.