Opinion
CRAZY CAM: THE AIRPORT
A damning report reveals years of inaction, secrecy, and complicity as foreign actors targeted elections and silenced communities under Trudeau’s watch
If you want to understand the slow, deliberate erosion of Western democracy, look no further than Canada. A newly released report on foreign interference in Canadian elections is a damning indictment of how a nation’s leadership can be so corrupt, incompetent, and cowardly that it allows foreign powers—most notably China—to undermine its democratic institutions while pretending to govern in the public’s interest. The so-called leader of this disgrace? Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who, despite recently announcing his resignation, continues to embody everything wrong with modern governance: self-interest, spinelessness, and contempt for the very people he was elected to serve.
The report, spanning over a hundred pages, exposes the extent of foreign interference in Canada’s 2019 and 2021 federal elections. But don’t let the dry language and bureaucratic jargon fool you—this isn’t just an academic exercise. This is the story of how a sitting prime minister and his enablers knowingly allowed foreign actors to meddle in the political process, smear opposition candidates, intimidate diaspora communities, and effectively shape the narrative to their benefit.
So let’s get into the details, because, unlike Trudeau and his lackeys, I actually believe in transparency.
China’s Election Meddling: A Case Study in Cowardice
First, let’s talk about the obvious elephant in the room: China. The report doesn’t shy away from stating what we’ve all known for years—China is actively working to undermine Canada’s democracy. The Communist Party of China (CCP) has its hands deep in Canadian politics, and the interference isn’t limited to election periods. According to the report, Beijing’s strategies include manipulating diaspora communities, intimidating critics, spreading disinformation, and even using proxies to influence nomination contests within Canadian political parties.
Take the case of Han Dong, a Liberal candidate in the 2019 election for Don Valley North. Intelligence suggests that PRC officials were involved in irregularities during his nomination process. Buses of international students were allegedly brought in to vote for Dong using falsified documents, all under the direction of CCP-linked operatives. This wasn’t just a small-town scandal; this was a coordinated effort to place Beijing’s preferred candidate into Canada’s Parliament.
The same tactics played out in 2021. Conservative leader Erin O’Toole and MP Kenny Chiu were directly targeted by Chinese-language disinformation campaigns. O’Toole was smeared as a “Canadian Trump,” and Chiu, who dared to propose a foreign influence registry, became the target of coordinated attacks from CCP-linked media. The aim was clear: scare Chinese-Canadian voters away from the Conservatives. The Liberals, conveniently, benefitted from this interference.
Trudeau’s Response: Silence, Secrecy, and Self-Preservation
The government’s handling—or rather, its non-handling—of foreign interference is a case study in cowardice and self-interest. According to the report, intelligence agencies like CSIS raised the alarm about foreign actors meddling in Canada’s elections. They gathered detailed evidence, flagged specific instances of disinformation, and even briefed Trudeau himself. But what did Trudeau do with this critical information? Nothing. Not a statement, not a warning, not even a hint to the Canadian public that their democracy was under attack.
This wasn’t a failure of intelligence; it was a failure of leadership. CSIS fulfilled its duty, providing the necessary information to those in power. Yet Trudeau and his government chose to suppress the truth. Why? Because confronting the issue head-on would have exposed just how much his Liberals benefited from this interference.
And here’s the kicker: the mechanisms designed to protect democracy didn’t just fail—they were rigged to fail. Take the so-called Panel of Five, the bureaucratic body tasked with determining whether threats to elections warrant public disclosure. This group of unelected senior officials, operating under vague thresholds and unclear criteria, decided that Beijing’s activities during both the 2019 and 2021 elections didn’t meet the standard for public disclosure.
Think about that for a second. Intelligence agencies reported that Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-linked operatives were actively meddling in Canada’s elections—spreading lies about opposition candidates, manipulating diaspora communities, and amplifying CCP propaganda. Yet the Trudeau government deemed this not worth telling the Canadian people. The Panel of Five essentially became a firewall, shielding the Liberals from accountability under the guise of maintaining public confidence.
The absurdity doesn’t stop there. After the 2021 election, the Conservative Party compiled evidence of a targeted disinformation campaign against its candidates and sent it to government officials. This wasn’t hearsay—it was a detailed dossier, backed by intelligence and media analysis. What did the Trudeau government do with it? They shrugged. They didn’t investigate further. They didn’t acknowledge the findings. They didn’t even bother to respond substantively. Why? Because that disinformation campaign served their interests.
Let’s be clear about what this means. The Trudeau government, knowing full well that foreign actors were undermining Canada’s democracy, chose to stay silent because the interference helped them win. This isn’t just negligence—it’s complicity. Trudeau and his Liberals actively benefited from the chaos sown by Beijing, and they were perfectly content to let it continue as long as it worked in their favor.
It’s no wonder Trudeau has been so cagey about foreign interference. His government has gone out of its way to bury the issue, hiding behind classified documents and vague statements about “national security.” The report exposes this strategy for what it is: a deliberate effort to suppress the truth and avoid accountability. The Liberals’ refusal to act wasn’t about protecting Canadians—it was about protecting themselves.
Now, let’s talk about the broader implications of this. By choosing secrecy and inaction, Trudeau didn’t just fail to defend Canadian democracy—he actively undermined it. Every time his government ignored intelligence or dismissed concerns, they sent a clear message to foreign actors: Canada is an easy target. Want to manipulate elections? Go right ahead. Want to intimidate Canadian citizens? Be our guest. The government won’t stop you, and they certainly won’t tell anyone about it.
This isn’t leadership. This is betrayal. Trudeau’s decision to prioritize political expediency over national security is a stain on his legacy and a threat to Canada’s future. His silence, his secrecy, and his self-preservation have left the country vulnerable, its democratic institutions weakened, and its people in the dark.
The Trudeau government’s inaction on foreign interference is one of the most shameful episodes in modern Canadian history. It’s a stark reminder that when leaders prioritize their own interests over those of their country, the consequences are catastrophic. The question now is whether Canadians will demand accountability—or whether they’ll let this betrayal go unanswered.
A Government That Betrays Its People
Let’s not mince words here: Justin Trudeau’s government didn’t just fail Canadians—it betrayed them. The foreign interference report exposes this betrayal in excruciating detail. It’s not just about what Trudeau did, like turning a blind eye to Beijing’s meddling in Canadian elections. It’s about what he refused to do. He refused to defend Canada’s democracy when it needed defending most. He refused to stand up to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) when they targeted and intimidated Canadian citizens. And he refused to lead when diaspora communities were crying out for protection against foreign repression on Canadian soil.
Let’s start with the facts laid bare by the report. Chinese-Canadian communities weren’t just affected by foreign interference—they were targeted. Beijing’s agents used fear, manipulation, and outright threats to control the narrative in these communities. Families were warned that voting for candidates critical of the CCP could bring repercussions for their relatives back in China. Activists who dared to speak out against Beijing were silenced, their voices drowned out by a well-organized campaign of intimidation. This wasn’t subtle. This wasn’t covert. This was blatant repression, happening right under Trudeau’s nose.
What’s worse, the report makes clear that this wasn’t just a side effect of interference; it was a strategy. The CCP didn’t just want to influence elections—they wanted to control entire communities. By sowing fear, they discouraged Chinese-Canadians from participating in the democratic process. They wanted to isolate critics, marginalize dissenters, and send a message: if you speak against us, we will come for you and your family. And what did the Trudeau government do in response? Nothing. Not a word. Not a single meaningful action.
This is more than a failure. It’s a dereliction of duty. Trudeau loves to preach about human rights on the world stage, posing for photo ops and lecturing other leaders about the moral high ground. Yet when Beijing came into his own backyard and trampled the rights of Canadian citizens, he stayed silent. Where was his outrage? Where was his condemnation? Nowhere to be found. Trudeau’s inaction sends a clear message to every foreign power looking to exploit Canada: our government will not stand up for its people.
And then there’s the secrecy. Oh, the secrecy. The report claims to promote “transparency,” but most of the critical information remains classified. What Canadians are left with is a series of vague summaries and sanitized conclusions. The government doesn’t trust you to handle the truth. They think you’re too fragile, too uninformed, or maybe just too unimportant to be told what’s really going on.
This isn’t just insulting—it’s dangerous. Secrecy creates a vacuum where misinformation and distrust thrive. It leaves Canadians in the dark about the threats to their democracy, while allowing foreign powers to operate unchecked. And let’s be clear: the Trudeau government’s obsession with secrecy isn’t about protecting national security. It’s about protecting themselves. They don’t want you to see how badly they’ve handled this, how deeply they’ve failed.
What Canadians deserve—and what they’re not getting—is leadership. Real leadership. The kind of leadership that prioritizes the safety, dignity, and rights of its citizens over political expediency. The kind of leadership that takes a stand against foreign bullies instead of kowtowing to them. Trudeau has proven, time and time again, that he is incapable of this. And now, as he prepares to exit stage left, he’s leaving behind a broken system and a government more concerned with maintaining power than defending democracy.
Let’s not fool ourselves into thinking this problem will disappear when Trudeau does. His enablers are still in power. The Liberal Party isn’t just complicit in this failure—it’s the architect of it. Trudeau’s culture of weakness, secrecy, and corruption has infected the entire party. And if you think the new leader will be any different, you’re deluding yourself. This isn’t about one man. It’s about an entire system that has failed Canadians at every level.
The report calls for a “whole-of-society” response to foreign interference. That sounds nice, doesn’t it? Very bureaucratic. Very official. But let’s be honest about what that really means. It’s a way of passing the buck. It’s the government’s way of saying, “This isn’t just our problem—it’s everyone’s problem.” But it’s not everyone’s problem. It’s the government’s job to defend democracy. It’s their responsibility to protect citizens from foreign threats. And if they can’t—or won’t—do the job, then they need to be replaced with people who will.
This is a wake-up call for Canadians. It’s time to demand accountability. Trudeau may be on his way out, but his resignation doesn’t absolve him of responsibility for this mess. Nor does it excuse the failures of his party. The Liberals need to answer for their inaction, their secrecy, and their complicity in allowing foreign interference to thrive.
If you care about Canada’s future—if you care about democracy—then the time to act is now. This isn’t just about protecting elections. It’s about protecting the very foundation of what it means to be Canadian. It’s about standing up for your rights, your voice, and your country. And it starts with holding this government accountable for its betrayal.
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From Resource Works
Canada has a hefty slate in recent years of big natural-resource projects that were abandoned, or put on a back burner, often because of government action or inaction.
One estimate is that Canada has seen $670 billion in cancelled resource projects since 2015, when Justin Trudeau became prime minister.
True, the Trudeau government in 2018 backed and took over the Trans Mountain oil pipeline expansion project, known as TMX. That’s been a success since May 2024, moving oil to U.S. and Asian buyers. It’s looking now to move more oil to Asia. And Ottawa is talking of First Nations getting some equity interest in it.
Many other major projects have been shelved or scrapped, though, some due to corporate economic decisions, but many due to governments.
One prime example was the Énergie Saguenay LNG project in Quebec. That $20-billion plan was fatally throttled in 2022 — on green grounds — by Quebec’s government and Trudeau’s minister of environment and climate change, Steven Guilbeault.
Now, with Trudeau leaving and a potential change federal government possible, there’s some early talk of reviving some projects. For example, Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston has urged Ottawa to “immediately” revive the Energy East oil pipeline project.
And U.S. President Donald Trump’s threats of tariffs on imports from Canada have underlined calls for new energy exports to new overseas customers.
We list below 31 projects that have been abandoned or shelved, or have not been heard from for years. They are listed in order of the year of cancellation, or the year they were last heard from.
Keltic LNG
This project was actually an LNG import facility that would then manufacture plastic pellets. It won its first government approval (from Nova Scotia) in 2007. But it never went ahead, and all approvals long ago expired.
Corridor Resources shale gas
Proposed in 2011, the idea was to produce from the huge shale-gas reserves in New Brunswick. But Corridor Resources (now called Headwater Exploration Inc) was unable to find a partner. And in 2014 the N.B. government put a moratorium on hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) for gas; it is still in effect.
Dunkirk oil sands
Proposed by the billionaire Koch brothers of the U.S. in 2014, but ditched later that year, this Alberta project was supposed to produce up to 60,000 barrels a day, using the in-situ steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAGD) process.
Kitsault LNG
Kitsault Energy proposed in 2013 an LNG-for-export project at the northern mining ghost town of Kitsault BC. It hoped to line up a pipeline partner, create an ‘energy corridor’, and to begin production in 2018. It said it was still working on cost estimates in 2014, and nothing was heard thereafter.
Carmon Creek oil sands
Shell proposed this in 2013, to produce 80,000 barrels a day. The company in 2014 said it would slow down the project while attempting to lower costs and improve its design. But in 2015, Shell gave up on it, giving a lack of pipelines to coastal waters as one reason.
Stewart LNG
The Canada Stewart Energy Group proposed in 2014 an LNG terminal near Stewart in northern BC. It aimed to produce 30 million tonnes a year, starting in 2017. It has not been heard from since 2014.
Watson Island LNG
This LNG terminal was proposed in 2014 by Watson Island LNG Corporation, to be located at Prince Rupert, with capacity to produce one million tonnes of LNG a year. There have been no updates since 2014, and the project’s website is no longer online.
Discovery LNG
Rockyview Resources was the developer of this LNG project at Campbell River on Vancouver Island, first proposed in 2014. It was a big plan, for 20 million tonnes of LNG a year, and would need a 300-km pipeline from the mainland. As of January 2018, Rockyview was reported still seeking partners, but there have been no updates since 2015.
Orca LNG
A Texas-based company got from Canada’s National Energy Board in 2015 a license to export 24 million tonnes of LNG a year, from a proposed plant at or near Prince Rupert. There has been no news from the developer since then.
New Times Energy LNG
New Times Energy proposed in 2015 to locate at Prince Rupert an LNG terminal capable of producing 12 million tonnes of LNG a year. Ottawa approved its export licence in 2016, but there has been no news of the project, or of any pipeline to feed it, since then.
Northern Gateway
Journalist Tom Fletcher recently looked in Northern Beat at the idea of reviving the $7.9-billion Northern Gateway pipeline, first proposed in 2008 and shelved in 2016.
“One new project that could be reactivated is the Northern Gateway oil pipeline, snuffed out by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s environmental posturing.
“Already burdened by court challenges, Enbridge’s Northern Gateway was killed by Trudeau’s 2016 declaration that oil tankers shouldn’t be allowed near the ‘Great Bear Rainforest.’
“He is among many urban people who are unaware this faux-Indigenous name was dreamed up by professional environmentalists at a fancy restaurant in San Francisco, explicitly to create a barrier for Canadian oil exports to Asia. . . ..
“Those Asia exports have finally begun to flow in significant volumes through the recent Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, which has been mostly at capacity since it opened.”
Fletcher notes that in 2021 then-Conservative leader Erin O’Toole campaigned on a promise to revive the Northern Gateway pipeline.
“Whether a new federal government can or wants to revive Northern Gateway is unknown. But combined with Coastal Gaslink, it would build on a northern resource corridor that could also include the already-permitted Prince Rupert Gas Transmission line now proposed by TC Energy and the Nisga’a government.
“The Prince Rupert line would supply a floating LNG plant (the Nisga’a Nation’s Ksi Lisims LNG project) and new power lines along the energy corridor could help serve the needs of the broad expanse of northern B.C. that remains off the grid.”
Muskwa oil sands
Another project of the Koch brothers in Alberta’s oil sands, proposed in 2012, this project was to produce 10,000 barrels per day. It was scrapped in 2016, with the developer citing “regulatory uncertainty.”
Douglas Channel LNG
This modest (0.55 million tonnes a year) floating LNG project was led by Alta Gas. The plan was for a $400-million floating terminal in Douglas Channel near Kitimat. It was shelved in 2016, with Alta Gas citing a global surplus in LNG, and low prices.
Triton LNG
At the same time as scrapping Douglas Channel LNG (above), Alta Gas and partner Idemitsu Kosan of Japan put a freeze on the Triton LNG project in the same area. It was proposed in 2013, and was to have produced up to 2.3 million tonnes of LNG per year.
Energy East
Another classic and costly example of shelving was the $15.7-billion Energy East pipeline. This was proposed in 2013, the aim being to switch 3,000 km of the TransCanada gas pipeline to carry oil, and add another 1,500 km of oil pipeline and facilities. All this so it could move oil from Alberta and Saskatchewan to Quebec and New Brunswick refineries, for domestic use and for exports.
The project was strenuously attacked by environmental groups (and a number of First Nations) and a poll showed nearly 60% of Quebecers opposed it. Quebec politicians called for more stringent environmental rules to apply to it, and the Quebec government decided on a court challenge, to ensure the Quebec portion of the project met that province’s environmental laws and regulations.
Trans Canada (now TC Energy) then shelved the project in October 2017, citing “existing and likely future delays resulting from the regulatory process, the associated cost implications and the increasingly challenging issues and obstacles.” The project had already cost Trans Canada $1 billion.
(The same day, Trans Canada also scrapped its Eastern Mainline project, to add new gas pipeline and compression facilities to the existing system in Southern Ontario.)
New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs soon sought to revive Energy East, and discussed it with Trudeau. He quoted Trudeau as saying he’d be willing to discuss the issue again if Higgs was able to get Quebec onside. But Trans Canada repeated its announced decision.
Now, with Trump threatening tariffs, Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston is calling on Ottawa to approve the Energy East oil pipeline. He said Trump’s tariffs mean here is “urgency” to strengthen the country through projects such as Energy East.
Earlier, commentator Brian Zinchuk of Pipeline Online urged: “If (Conservative leader Pierre) Poilievre wins a massive majority, can we PLEASE build the Energy East Pipeline?”
Zinchuk added: “So what could a newly empowered government with a massive majority do? Here’s a novel idea: Call up TC Energy and ask them to dust off their 2014 application to build the Energy East Pipeline. We’re going to need it.”
Mackenzie Valley Pipeline
This project was first proposed in the early 1970s to move natural gas from the Beaufort Sea to northern Alberta, and then to tie in to existing gas pipelines there.
Ottawa launched in 1974 a federal inquiry into the project. After three years (and at a cost of $5.3-million) inquiry commissioner Thomas Berger said in 1977 that the 1,220-km pipeline should be postponed for 10 years, estimating that it would take that long for land claims to be settled and for Indigenous Peoples to be ready for the impact of such a project.
Eventually, after another six years of review, the Mackenzie Valley pipeline was granted federal approval in 2011, subject to 264 conditions.
But by 2017 the initially estimated costs of $8 billion had risen to $16.2 billion, and the joint-venture partnership of Imperial Oil, ConocoPhillips Canada, ExxonMobil Canada and the Aboriginal Pipeline Group announced abandonment of the project, citing natural gas prices – but also the long regulatory process.
Said an Imperial Oil official: “Our initial estimate for the timing for the regulatory process was somewhere between 22 and 24 months. We filed for regulatory approval in October 2004 and we received final regulatory approval in 2011. I’ll leave it up to you to decide if that is a reasonable amount of time for a significant capital investment project.”
Prince Rupert LNG
Shell Canada took over in 2016 the BG Group’s back-burnered 2012 proposal for an $11-billion LNG terminal on Ridley Island, Prince Rupert. It was to produce 21 million tonnes of LNG per year. But in 2017, Shell shelved the project.
That also killed the $9.6-billion Westcoast Connector pipeline proposed by Enbridge in 2012. This was to build an 850-km natural gas pipeline corridor from northeast B.C. to Ridley Island to feed gas to Prince Rupert LNG.
There followed recently some thought that this Westcoast Connector pipeline could be revived, to feed the Nisga’a Nation’s proposed Ksi Lisims LNG project, but Ksi Lisims chose to take over the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission pipeline (PRGT).
Pacific Northwest LNG
Pacific NorthWest LNG proposed in 2013 a $36-billion LNG-for-export plant on Lelu Island south of Prince Rupert BC.
It was to produce up to 20.5 million tonnes of LNG a year, and would include a marine terminal for loading LNG on to vessels for export to markets in Asia.
As ever, the proposal ran into opposition from environmental and some (but not all) Indigenous groups. And in 2017, Malaysia’s Petronas and its minority partners (China’s Sinopec, Japan’s JAPEX, Indian Oil Corporation and PetroleumBrunei) decided not to proceed.
They cited “changes in market conditions.” But CEO Mike Rose of Tourmaline Oil, Canada’s largest natural-gas producer, pointed a finger at governments, saying “government dithering” played a role in the cancellation.
“They [Petronas] kept getting held up. . . . All levels of government were trying to squeeze more money out of them.”
Rose said a “more effective, streamlined approval process,” would have seen Petronas make a final investment decision on the project three years earlier, when LNG prices were much higher.
(Petronas continues to be a 25% partner in the LNG Canada project, which goes online later this year.)
The Pacific NorthWest LNG plant would have been fed by TC Energy’s 900-km Prince Rupert Gas Transmission pipeline (PRGT). The permits for that line now are owned by the Nisg̱a’a First Nation and partner Western LNG. They propose a route change so the line can feed the Nation’s planned Ksi Lisims LNG plant. The B.C. Environmental Assessment Office now is considering whether the pipeline’s permits are still valid.
Aurora LNG
Nexen Energy, with Chinese and Japanese partners, proposed in 2014 the $28-billion Aurora LNG terminal on Digby Island, Prince Rupert. It would have produced up to 24 million tonnes of LNG a year. The partners ditched the plan in 2017, citing the economics.
WCC LNG
Exxon Mobil and Calgary-based Imperial Oil proposed in 2015 this $25-billion LNG export facility on Tuck Inlet, Prince Rupert. It was to produce some 30 million tonnes per year. The partners scrapped the project in 2018, without explanation.
Grassy Point LNG
Australia’s Woodside Energy proposed in 2014 a $10-billion facility 30 km north of Prince Rupert, to produce up to 20 million tonnes of LNG per year. Woodside shelved the plan in 2018. It said it would focus instead on the Kitimat LNG project with Chevron Canada (but that also died on the drawing board. (See ‘Kitimat LNG’ farther below)
Aspen oil sands
An Imperial Oil project, proposed in 2013, was to produce up to 150,000 barrels of bitumen a day. The $7-billion project was put on hold in 2019.
Kwispaa LNG
Proposed in 2014, this was an $18-billion project for an LNG plant near Bamfield on Vancouver Island, with an associated natural-gas pipeline. It was to be developed by Steelhead LNG Corporation through a co-management partnership with the Huu-ay-aht First Nations. The plan was to produce 12 million tonnes a year, and later up to 24 million. Steelhead stopped work on it in 2019, and in 2022 Ottawa formally terminated the environmental-assessment window for the project.
Frontier Oil Sands
Teck proposed this $20.6-billion mining project in Alberta’s oil sands in 2012, but gave up the idea in 2020. It would have had production capacity of about 260,000 barrels a day.
Kitimat LNG
Kitimat LNG was a $30-billion LNG-for-export plant at Kitimat BC, proposed in 2018 by Chevron Canada and Australia’s Woodside Energy. It was designed to produce up to 10 million tonnes of LNG a year.
Chevron sought to sell its share of the project but failed to find a buyer, and in the end Chevron and Woodside shelved the project in 2021.
Kitimat LNG would have been fed gas bv the proposed Pacific Trails Pipeline, a project by Chevron and Apache Corporation. Woodside Australia had bought Apache’s stake in the project for $2.75 billion in 2014. The pipeline plan has also been put away.
Goldboro LNG
Alberta energy company Pieridae proposed in 2011 an LNG plant on Nova Scotia’s east shore. The plan was to ship 10 million tonnes per year to Europe. But the project failed to win $925 million in federal funding, and Pieridae bailed out in 2021
Keystone XL
The $8-billion Keystone XL pipeline was proposed in 2008 by TC Energy, to deliver Alberta oil to Nebraska, and then, through existing pipelines, to refineries on the U.S. Gulf Coast.
The project got its key U.S. presidential permit from then-president Donald Trump in 2017. Work eventually began in 2020, with the Alberta government kicking in $1.5 billion, and a promise of a $6-billion loan guarantee, in hopes of completion in 2023.
But under pressure from environmental groups, U.S. president Joe Biden revoked the permit on his first day in office on January 20, 2021, citing the “climate crisis.”
So this was, then, a rare Canadian project cancellation engineered by the U.S., not by Canada.
Énergie Saguenay
In 2015 came GNL Québec’s $20-billion proposal to build an LNG plant at the port of Saguenay in Quebec.
The Énergie Saguenay project, backed by Ruby Capital of the U.S., would connect to TC Energy’s Canadian Mainline, the big natural gas pipeline that carries gas from Western Canada to markets in Canada and the United States. The connection would be via a 780-km pipeline from northeastern Ontario to Saguenay, proposed by Gazoduq Inc.
Énergie Saguenay said its plant would produce 10.5 million tonnes of LNG a year. (The LNG Canada plant in B.C. will produce up to 14 million tonnes a year.) Énergie Saguenay said it would export its LNG via the St. Lawrence and Saguenay Rivers. It spoke of 140-165 shipments per year
The project raised considerable interest, as Germany, Latvia and Ukraine were expressing interest in importing Canadian LNG. Germany’s Chancellor Olaf Scholz came to Canada in the summer of 2022 and asked Trudeau about LNG exports.
Trudeau, though, said he saw no business case for LNG exports to Europe, and said Canada could always send natural gas to the U.S., where Americans could turn it into American LNG and send that to Europe. (This was already happening, and continues.)
In the end, the Quebec government, which initially supported Énergie Saguenay, changed its mind and pulled the plug on environmental grounds.
Then Steven Guilbeault, federal minister of environment and climate change, hammered home the final coffin nail in 2022, saying: “The Énergie Saguenay Project underwent a rigorous review that clearly demonstrates that the negative effects the project would have on the environment are in no way justifiable.”
That regulatory rejection has led to a $20.12-billion international damage claim against the federal government by Ruby Capital.
Bear Head LNG
Bear Head Energy planned in 2014 to build an LNG-for-export plant on the Strait of Canso, Nova Scotia. It was to send 12 million tonnes a year to Europe. But in 2023 Bear Head, under new ownership, announced plans instead to produce hydrogen for export.
Port Edward LNG
Planning started in 2019 for this $450-million small-scale LNG project, for a site east of Port Edward BC. It was to ship LNG overseas in containers, but the project was scrapped in 2024.
Enbridge Line 5
Under appeal is a U.S. court order to shut down, by 2026, this pipeline that carries Canadian oil to Ontario, by way of Wisconsin and Michigan. In the court case, the Wisconsin-based Bad River Band, through whose territory the pipeline runs, seeks to have it shut down.
A U.S. district court ordered Enbridge in 2023 to shut down parts of the pipeline within three years and pay the band $5.2 million for trespassing on its land. Enbridge is appealing (and so is the Bad River Band, which wants an immediate shutdown.)
What’s next?
While there has been a little chatter about reviving some of the scratched projects, there have been no formal proposals for resurrections, and Canada’s current attention is on Donald Trump and his promised tariffs in imports from Canada
On the political front in Canada, national Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre said in a recent speech in Vancouver: “By blocking pipelines and LNG plants in Canada, the Liberals have forced Canadians to sell almost all of our energy to the United States, giving President Trump massive leverage in making these tariff threats.”.
He said that that if he was prime minister, he would have approved pipelines such as Northern Gateway and Energy East, as well as giving fast-track approvals for LNG plants, thus giving Canada more export options.
And Poilievre promised to allow pipeline companies on First Nations lands to pay some of their federal tax to affected nations.
“Then these communities will have a very powerful incentive to say yes, and they can use some of that money to defeat poverty, build schools and hospitals and clean water and other essentials for their people.”
But now Canada has first to cope with Trump’s Fortress America economic-warfare plans.
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