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Energy

Canadian hydrogen is not a silver bullet for Germany’s energy needs

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5 minute read

From Resource Works

Germany bet big on hydrogen, an infant technology in terms of commercial viability. Canada also jumped on the hydrogen train at a time when they should have been doubling down on LNG exports, a resource Canada has in abundance

Canada and Germany had, and probably still have, such mighty ambitions for their hydrogen. Lauded as a can’t-miss step in the journey towards a clean energy utopia that would position Canada as a world leader in hydrogen, it is now cracking before it even really gets underway.

The goal of the deal was a good one. Germany wanted to reduce its reliance on vast amounts of Russian gas following the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. However, the nonstop delays and challenges of realizing a Canada-Germany hydrogen deal have exposed the folly of going all in on a non-developed energy source at the cost of an existing one. These problems make it very clear that both Canada and Germany have miscalculated by placing all their eggs in one basket for a long-term goal, instead of turning to alternatives like liquefied natural gas (LNG) in the short term.

The federal government announced that there was no “business case” for exporting LNG to Europe at the time.

Hydrogen has a good future as a clean, renewable source of energy, and that is undeniable. It is not going to happen overnight as it will require large-scale facilities for production and distribution, especially for green hydrogen. Canada and Germany signed their hydrogen agreement in 2022, aimed at jumpstarting Canadian hydrogen exports by 2025.

We are now sitting at the end of 2024, and the necessary infrastructure is not close to being completed. Facilities in Atlantic Canada intended to help supply the hydrogen are still in their planning stages, while German investment is falling behind.

As far as logistics go, hydrogen presents a huge challenge. To produce hydrogen, massive amounts of energy are needed, and the plan to use wind energy to power these facilities is very impractical. Hydrogen also must be converted into ammonia for shipment, which is another energy-intensive and expensive process. When ammonia does theoretically reach Germany, up to 80 percent of the original energy load is expected to have been lost. If such a loss could be captured in a photo, it could slot into the dictionary for the word “inefficient.”

Germany needs energy security given its divorce from Russian gas, and this demanded a far more immediate response in 2022. Rather than diversifying energy imports and turning to short-term solutions like Canadian LNG, Germany bet big on hydrogen, an infant technology in terms of commercial viability. Canada also jumped on the hydrogen train at a time when they should have been doubling down on LNG exports, a resource Canada has in abundance, and which, like most fossil fuels, can be stored and shipped with speed and efficiency.

While hydrogen has a future, refusing to embrace LNG as an export to Europe was a mistake when responding to Europe’s energy crisis. Both the United States and Qatar secured long-term contracts for LNG exports to Europe, while Canada has been absent from the table. Germany itself invested heavily in floating LNG terminals, highlighting how natural gas will remain a vital part of the European energy mix for years to come.

There is great irony in the fact that natural gas, while still emitting more than hydrogen, produces far fewer emissions than coal, which many European states have been forced to turn to in the wake of energy shortfalls. Germany is one of the world’s most prolific consumers of coal, and that has only intensified with the cutoff of Russian gas, undermining its ambitious climate goals. Canadian LNG should have played a greater role while hydrogen infrastructure was constructed in Canada, and investment capital was raised in Germany.

What the ongoing delays and inefficiencies in the Canada-Germany hydrogen deal demonstrate is a cautionary tale. While hydrogen has a key role to play in the future of global energy, it is not a silver bullet in the short term.

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Trump’s oil tariffs could spell deficits for Alberta government

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill

After recently meeting with president-elect Donald Trump, Premier Danielle Smith warned that Trump’s tariffs could include oil. That’s just one more risk factor added to Alberta’s already precarious fiscal situation, which could mean red ink in the near future.

Trump has threatened a 25 per cent tariff on Canadian goods, which includes oil, and could come as early as January 20 when he’s sworn in as president. Such tariffs would likely widen the price differential between U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil and Alberta’s Western Canadian select (WCS) heavy oil.

In other words, the average price difference between Canadian oil (WCS) and U.S. oil (WTI) could increase, reflecting a larger discount on Canadian oil. According to the Alberta government’s estimate, every $1 that WCS is sold at discount is a $600 million hit to the government’s budget.

To maintain its $4.6 billion projected budget surplus this fiscal year (2024/25), the Smith government is banking on oil prices (WTI) averaging US$74.00 per barrel in 2024/25. But every $1 decline in oil prices leads to a $630 million swing in Alberta’s bottom line. And WTI has dropped as low as US$67.00 per barrel in recent months.

Put simply, Trump’s proposed tariffs would flip Alberta’s budget surplus to a budget deficit, particularly if paired with lower oil prices.

While Smith has been aggressively trying to engage with lawmakers in the United States regarding the tariffs and the inclusion of oil, there’s not much she can do in the short-run to mitigate the effects if Trump’s tariff plan becomes a reality. But the Smith government can still help stabilize Alberta’s finances over the longer term. The key is spending restraint.

For decades, Alberta governments have increased spending when resource revenues were relatively high, as they are today, but do not commensurately reduce spending when resource revenues inevitably decline, which results in periods of persistent budget deficits and debt accumulation. And Albertans already pay approximately $650 each in provincial government debt interest each year.

To its credit, the Smith government has recognized the risk of financing ongoing spending with onetime windfalls in resource revenue and introduced a rule to limit increases in operating spending (e.g. spending on annual items such as government employee compensation) to the rate of population growth and inflation. Unfortunately, the government’s current plan for restraint is starting from a higher base level of spending (compared to its original plan) due to spending increases over the past two years.

Indeed, the government will spend a projected $1,603 more per Albertan (inflation-adjusted) this fiscal year than the Smith government originally planned in its 2022 mid-year budget update. And higher spending means the government has increased its reliance on volatile resource revenue—not reduced it. Put simply, Smith’s plan to grow spending below the rate of inflation and population growth isn’t enough to avoid budget deficits—more work must be done to rein in high spending.

Trump’s tariffs could help plunge Alberta back into deficit. To help stabilize provincial finances over the longer term, the Smith government should focus on what it can control—and that means reining in spending.

Tegan Hill

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute
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Alberta

Why U.S. tariffs on Canadian energy would cause damage on both sides of the border

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Marathon Petroleum’s Detroit refinery in the U.S. Midwest, the largest processing area for Canadian crude imports. Photo courtesy Marathon Petroleum

From the Canadian Energy Centre

By Deborah Jaremko

More than 450,000 kilometres of pipelines link Canada and the U.S. – enough to circle the Earth 11 times

As U.S. imports of Canadian oil barrel through another new all-time high, leaders on both sides of the border are warning of the threat to energy security should the incoming Trump administration apply tariffs on Canadian oil and gas.

“We would hope any future tariffs would exclude these critical feedstocks and refined products,” Chet Thompson, CEO of the American Fuel & Petrochemical Manufacturers (AFPM), told Politico’s E&E News.

AFPM’s members manufacture everything from gasoline to plastic, dominating a sector with nearly 500 operating refineries and petrochemical plants across the United States.

“American refiners depend on crude oil from Canada and Mexico to produce the affordable, reliable fuels consumers count on every day,” Thompson said.

The United States is now the world’s largest oil producer, but continues to require substantial imports – to the tune of more than six million barrels per day this January, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA).

Nearly 70 per cent of that oil came from Canada.

Many U.S. refineries are set up to process “heavy” crude like what comes from Canada and not “light” crude like what basins in the United States produce.

“New tariffs on [Canadian] crude oil, natural gas, refined products, or critical input materials that cannot be sourced domestically…would directly undermine energy affordability and availability for consumers,” the American Petroleum Institute, the industry’s largest trade association, wrote in a recent letter to the United States Trade Representative.

More than 450,000 kilometres of oil and gas pipelines link Canada and the United States – enough to circle the Earth 11 times.

The scale of this vast, interconnected energy system does not exist anywhere else. It’s “a powerful card to play” in increasingly unstable times, researchers with S&P Global said last year.

Twenty-five years from now, the United States will import virtually exactly the same amount of oil as it does today (7.0 million barrels per day in 2050 compared to 6.98 million barrels per day in 2023), according to the EIA’s latest outlook.

“We are interdependent on energy. Americans cutting off Canadian energy would be like cutting off their own arm,” said Heather Exner-Pirot, a special advisor to the Business Council of Canada.

Trump’s threat to apply a 25 per cent tariff on imports from Canada, including energy, would likely “result in lower production in Canada and higher gasoline and energy costs to American consumers while threatening North American energy security,” Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers CEO Lisa Baiton said in a statement.

“We must do everything in our power to protect and preserve this energy partnership.”

Energy products are Canada’s single largest export to the United States, accounting for about a third of total Canadian exports to the U.S., energy analysts Rory Johnston and Joe Calnan noted in a November report for the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.

The impact of applying tariffs to Canadian oil would likely be spread across Canada and the United States, they wrote: higher pump prices for U.S. consumers, weaker business for U.S. refiners and reduced returns for Canadian producers.

“It is vitally important for Canada to underline that it is not just another trade partner, but rather an indispensable part of the economic and security apparatus of the United States,” Johnston and Calnan wrote.

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