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Canada should match or eclipse Trump’s red-tape cutting plan

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

With all eyes focused on WWT (World War Tariff), another Trump initiative was quietly put in place last week in one of the now-signature Trump “flood the zone” initiative waves.

On Jan. 31, the Trump administration published an executive order (EO) titled “Unleashing Prosperity Through Deregulation,” and as regulatory reform initiatives go, well, it’s every anti-regulatory analyst’s dream as “each new regulation issued, at least 10 prior regulations be identified for elimination.”

For reference, one of Canada’s strongest regulatory-reform efforts (in British Columbia back in 2001) only called for a 2-for-1 ratio. Although B.C.’s effort did somewhat foreshadow Trump’s, in that it created something of a DOGE (Department of Government Efficiency) when the B.C. government appointed an actual minister of deregulation to oversee the effort rather than leaving it to the bureaucracy to reform itself. And it worked. By 2004, 37 per cent of regulatory requirements in B.C. had been eliminated (exceeding the initial one-third target).

Trump’s new plan is less explicit in defining regulations, but it makes sure that new regulations cost less than the 10 regulations they replace. “For fiscal year 2025,” reads the EO, “the heads of all agencies are directed to ensure that the total incremental cost of all new regulations, including repealed regulations, being finalized this year, shall be significantly less than zero, and any new incremental costs associated with new regulations shall, to the extent permitted by law, be offset by the elimination of existing costs associated with at least 10 prior regulations.”

And Trump’s plan will put regulators in government agencies on a permanent diet, as a “total amount of incremental costs… will be allowed for each agency in issuing new regulations and repealing regulations for each fiscal year after fiscal year 2025.”

Why does this matter to Canadians?

Because, unlike those few years of B.C. regulatory reform, Canada has been wrapping itself in regulatory red-tape for decades, making our economy less competitive globally and with the United States. Between 2006 to 2018, the number of restrictive regulations in Canada grew from about 66,000 to 72,000. And according to the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, the cost of regulation from all three levels of government to Canadian businesses totalled $38.8 billion in 2020, for a total of 731 million hours—the equivalent of nearly 375,000 fulltime jobs.

Clearly, Canada has a regulatory problem—our governments generate seemingly endless spools of regulatory red tape, which keep Canadian businesses tangled in inefficiency, wasted labour and non-competitiveness. President Trump’s new regulatory reform initiative will further increase the “red-tape gap” between Canada and the U.S.

Policymakers in Ottawa and the provinces would do well to learn about Canada’s experiences with deregulatory programs and strive to match—or beat—the new U.S. regulatory reform efforts before a massive lack of regulatory competitiveness becomes a serious problem, adding insult to injury on top of World War Tariff.

Kenneth P. Green

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute

Before Post

After 15 years as a TV reporter with Global and CBC and as news director of RDTV in Red Deer, Duane set out on his own 2008 as a visual storyteller. During this period, he became fascinated with a burgeoning online world and how it could better serve local communities. This fascination led to Todayville, launched in 2016.

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Government debt burden increasing across Canada

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill, Jake Fuss and Spencer Gudewill

As governments across Canada unveil their 2025 budgets, outlining their tax and spending plans for the upcoming fiscal year, they have an opportunity to reverse the trend of deficits and increasing debt that has reigned in recent years.

Indeed, budget deficits, which fuel debt accumulation, have become a serious fiscal challenge for the federal and many provincial governments, primarily due to high levels of government spending. Since 2007/08—the final fiscal year before the financial crisis—combined federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) has nearly doubled from $1.2 trillion to a projected $2.3 trillion in 2024/25. And you can’t blame COVID, as combined federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) increased by nearly $600 billion between 2007/08 and 2019/20.

Federal and provincial net debt (inflation-adjusted) per person has increased in every province since 2007/08. As shown in the below chart, Newfoundland and Labrador has the highest combined (federal and provincial) debt per person ($68,516) in 2024/25 followed by Quebec ($60,565) and Ontario ($60,456). In contrast, Alberta has the lowest combined debt per person ($41,236) in the country. Combined federal and provincial net debt represents the total provincial net debt, and the federal portion allocated to each of the provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.

The combined federal and total provincial debt-to-GDP ratio, an important fiscal indicator that compares debt with the size of the overall economy, is projected to reach 75.2 per cent in 2024/25. By comparison, the ratio was 53.2 per cent in 2007/08. A rising debt-to-GDP ratio indicates government debt has grown at an unsustainable rate (in other words, debt levels are growing faster than the economy). Among the provinces, the combined federal-provincial debt-to-GDP ratio is highest in Nova Scotia (92.0 per cent) and lowest in Alberta (42.2 per cent). Again, the federal debt portion is allocated to provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.

Interest payments are a major consequence of debt accumulation. Governments must make interest payments on their debt similar to households that must pay interest on mortgages, vehicles or credit card spending. When taxpayer money goes towards interest payments, there’s less money available for tax cuts or government programs such as health care and education.

Interest on government debt (federal and provincial) costs each Canadian at least $1,930 in 2024/25. The amount, however, varies by province. Combined interest costs per person are highest in Newfoundland and Labrador ($3,453) and lowest in Alberta ($1,930). Similar to net debt, combined federal and provincial interest costs are represented by the total of the provincial and federal portion with the federal portion allocated to each of provinces based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their population as a share of Canada’s total population.

Debt accumulation comes with consequences for everyday Canadians as more and more taxpayer money flows towards interest payments rather than tax relief or programs and services. This budget season, federal and provincial governments should develop long-term plans to meaningfully address the growing debt problem in Canada.

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Elon Musk to consult President Trump on potential ‘DOGE dividend’ tax refunds

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Quick Hit:

Elon Musk announced he will consult with President Donald Trump on a proposal to issue tax refund checks to Americans using savings from the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). The idea, originally suggested by Azoria CEO James Fishback, would involve distributing a portion of the funds DOGE claims to have saved from government cost-cutting measures. While Musk aims to reduce federal spending by $2 trillion, questions remain about the actual savings achieved by DOGE.

Key Details:

  • Musk responded on X that he would “check with the President” regarding the proposed tax refunds.
  • The plan suggests using 20% of DOGE’s $2 trillion spending cut goal—roughly $400 billion—to provide up to $5,000 per household.
  • Reports indicate that DOGE’s reported savings may be overstated, with Bloomberg and the New York Times pointing to discrepancies in the numbers.

Diving Deeper:

Elon Musk’s latest proposal to return taxpayer dollars through a “DOGE Dividend” has sparked discussion on federal spending and fiscal responsibility. The initiative, first floated by James Fishback, argues that savings uncovered by DOGE’s cost-cutting efforts should be refunded to taxpayers. Fishback compared it to a private sector refund when a company fails to deliver on its promises.

Musk, who leads DOGE’s advisory group, has set an ambitious goal of cutting $2 trillion from the federal government’s $6.75 trillion budget. Under Fishback’s model, 20% of those savings—$400 billion—could be distributed among American households, potentially yielding checks of around $5,000 per family.

However, skepticism surrounds DOGE’s actual savings. Bloomberg reported that only $16.6 billion of the $55 billion in savings claimed by DOGE is accounted for on its website. The New York Times revealed a miscalculation in which DOGE erroneously reported an $8 billion saving on a federal contract that was actually $8 million.

Despite legal challenges against DOGE’s authority, a federal judge recently denied an injunction that sought to block the agency’s access to federal databases or its ability to recommend government employee firings.

The concept of direct payments from the federal government has precedent. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Trump administration issued stimulus checks to Americans, with Trump’s signature appearing on IRS payments for the first time in history. Whether the current proposal will gain traction under Trump’s leadership remains to be seen.

Musk’s willingness to discuss the idea with President Trump signals that the proposal may be seriously considered, though practical and political hurdles remain.

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