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Allegations against Kavanaugh pose test for #MeToo movement

NEW YORK — Nearly a year old and still making headlines almost daily, the #MeToo movement faces a dramatic test of its impact and staying power in the sexual assault allegations against U.S. Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh.
Leaders of the movement suggest that Kavanaugh’s accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, might have never found the courage to come forward publicly about an alleged assault from her high school days without the examples set by women worldwide who’ve spoken out about past encounters with sexual assault and harassment.
“Time and time again, people have been inspired by the people who came before them,” said Fatima Goss Graves, president of the National Women’s Law Center. “They are willing to take on the risk of retaliation.”
Goss Graves is heartened by the fact that numerous senators of both parties say Ford deserves a chance to be heard on Capitol Hill — in itself, she said, an indication of the #MeToo movement’s staying power.
The movement exploded worldwide in October 2017, sparked by detailed allegations of sexual misconduct against Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein. Across the U.S., and in many foreign countries, it has toppled powerful men in a wide range of fields — entertainment, journalism, politics and high tech, among others. Celebrity chefs, TV hosts and members of Congress are among those who have lost their jobs.
Almost from the start, it also fueled a backlash among those who felt the movement sometimes led to excesses and injustice. Ford’s allegations have rekindled that resentment.
Conservative actor James Woods, in a subsequently deleted tweet, depicted hers accusations as one of numerous “#MeTooLynchings.” The Wall Street Journal ran an editorial Monday titled “The #MeToo Kavanaugh Ambush.”
“Letting an accusation that is this old, this unsubstantiated and this procedurally irregular defeat Mr. Kavanaugh would also mean weaponizing every sexual assault allegation no matter the evidence,” the editorial said. “It will tarnish the #MeToo cause with the smear of partisanship.”
Actor Sean Penn chimed in, suggesting it would be good for #MeToo “to just slow down.”
Even aside from the Ford-Kavanaugh showdown, this has been a tumultuous season for the #MeToo movement. Among the most recent developments:
—Two of the most powerful men in the U.S. television industry lost their jobs at least partly due to sexual misconduct allegations. Les Moonves stepped down as head of CBS Corp. and the network fired “60 Minutes” executive producer Jeff Fager. Both men have denied the accusations.
—A video of Harvey Weinstein aired on TV showing him propositioning a woman who later accused him of rape, repeatedly touching her and stroking her arm and back during what was supposed to have been a business meeting.
—”The Tonight Show”
—Comedian Bill Cosby is scheduled to be sentenced Sept. 24 on three felony sex assault charges. He was convicted in April of drugging and molesting a woman at his home in 2004, and faces up to 10 years in prison on each of three felony counts.
As these cases indicate, much of #MeToo’s high-profile impact has been in the entertainment and media world. Noreen Farrell, executive director of San Francisco-based Equal Rights Advocates, said more work is needed to persuade employers in other sectors to crack down on sexual misconduct.
“While we have seen some celebrity-level public shaming over serial harassers and enablers, employers seem to be digging in and resisting change,” said Farrell, noting that the business lobby in California has been fighting hard against proposed anti-harassment legislation.
Among the many women in politics who have embraced the #MeToo movement is Gayle Goldin, a Democratic state legislator in Rhode Island who has campaigned against sexual misconduct.
She said the Ford-Kavanaugh case will be an important indicator of how public attitudes have changed since 1991, when Anita Hill was treated dismissively by senators of both parties when she
Reflecting back to the 1990s, Goldin added, “The MeToo movement is not one moment in time, it is the culmination of pain by generations of women.”
“People are seeking justice, but that is not necessarily about the individual,” she said. “We are ultimately talking about culture change.”
David Crary, The Associated Press
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Poilievre on 2025 Election Interference – Carney sill hasn’t fired Liberal MP in Chinese election interference scandal

From Conservative Party Communications
“Yes. He must be disqualified. I find it incredible that Mark Carney would allow someone to run for his party that called for a Canadian citizen to be handed over to a foreign government on a bounty, a foreign government that would almost certainly execute that Canadian citizen.
“Think about that for a second. We have a Liberal MP saying that a Canadian citizen should be handed over to a foreign dictatorship to get a bounty so that that citizen could be murdered. And Mark Carney says he should stay on as a candidate. What does that say about whether Mark Carney would protect Canadians?
“Mark Carney is deeply conflicted. Just in November, he went to Beijing and secured a quarter-billion-dollar loan for his company from a state-owned Chinese bank. He’s deeply compromised, and he will never stand up for Canada against any foreign regime. It is another reason why Mr. Carney must show us all his assets, all the money he owes, all the money that his companies owe to foreign hostile regimes. And this story might not be entirely the story of the bounty, and a Liberal MP calling for a Canadian to be handed over for execution to a foreign government might not be something that the everyday Canadian can relate to because it’s so outrageous. But I ask you this, if Mark Carney would allow his Liberal MP to make a comment like this, when would he ever protect Canada or Canadians against foreign hostility?
“He has never put Canada first, and that’s why we cannot have a fourth Liberal term. After the Lost Liberal Decade, our country is a playground for foreign interference. Our economy is weaker than ever before. Our people more divided. We need a change to put Canada first with a new government that will stand up for the security and economy of our citizens and take back control of our destiny. Let’s bring it home.”
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Canada Needs A Real Plan To Compete Globally

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
Ottawa’s ideological policies have left Canada vulnerable. Strategic action is needed now
As Canada navigates an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape, the next federal government must move beyond reflexive anti—Americanism regardless of its political leanings. Instead, Canada should prioritize national interests while avoiding unnecessary conflict and subservience.
The notion that Canada can stand alone is as misguided as the idea that it is only an economic appendage of the United States. Both perspectives have influenced policy in Ottawa at different times, leading to mistakes.
Rather than engaging in futile name-calling or trade disputes, Canada must take strategic steps to reinforce its autonomy. This approach requires a pragmatic view rooted in Realpolitik—recognizing global realities, mitigating risks, governing for the whole country, and seizing opportunities while abandoning failed ideologies.
However, if Washington continues to pursue protectionist measures, Canada must find effective ways to counteract the weakened position Ottawa has placed the country in over the past decade.
One key strategy is diversifying trade relationships, notably by expanding economic ties with emerging markets such as India and Southeast Asia. This will require repairing Canada’s strained relationship with India and regaining political respect in China.
Unlike past Liberal trade missions, which often prioritized ideological talking points over substance, Canada must negotiate deals that protect domestic industries rather than turning summits into platforms for moral posturing.
A more effective approach would be strengthening partnerships with countries that value Canadian resources instead of vilifying them under misguided environmental policies. Expand LNG exports to Europe and Asia and leverage Canada’s critical minerals sector to establish reciprocal supply chains with non-Western economies, reducing economic reliance on the U.S.
Decades of complacency have left Canada vulnerable to American influence over its resource sector. Foreign-funded environmental groups have weakened domestic energy production, handing U.S. industries a strategic advantage. Ottawa must counter this by ensuring Canadian energy is developed at home rather than allowing suppressed domestic production to benefit foreign competitors.
Likewise, a robust industrial policy—prioritizing mining, manufacturing, and agricultural resilience—could reduce dependence on U.S. and Chinese imports. This does not mean adopting European-style subsidies but rather eliminating excessive regulations that make Canadian businesses uncompetitive, including costly domestic carbon tariffs.
Another key vulnerability is Canada’s growing military dependence on the U.S. through NORAD and NATO. While alliances are essential, decades of underfunding and neglect have turned the Canadian Armed Forces into little more than a symbolic force. Canada must learn self-reliance and commit to serious investment in defence.
Increasing defence spending—not to meet NATO targets but to build deterrence—is essential. Ottawa must reform its outdated procurement processes and develop a domestic defence manufacturing base, reducing reliance on foreign arms deals.
Canada’s vast Arctic is also at risk. Without continued investment in northern sovereignty, Ottawa may find itself locked out of its own backyard by more assertive global powers.
For too long, Canada has relied on an economic model that prioritizes federal redistribution over wealth creation and productivity. A competitive tax regime—one that attracts investment instead of punishing success—is essential.
A capital gains tax hike might satisfy activists in Toronto, but it does little to attract investments and encourage economic growth. Likewise, Ottawa must abandon ideological green policies that threaten agri-food production, whether by overregulating farmers or ranchers. At the same time, it must address inefficiencies in supply management once and for all. Canada must be able to feed a growing world without unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles.
Ottawa must also create an environment where businesses can innovate and grow without excessive regulatory burdens. This includes eliminating interprovincial trade barriers that stifle commerce.
Similarly, Canada’s tech sector, long hindered by predatory regulations, should be freed from excessive government interference. Instead of suffocating innovation with compliance mandates, Ottawa should focus on deregulation while implementing stronger security measures for foreign tech firms operating in Canada.
Perhaps Ottawa’s greatest mistake is its knee-jerk reactions to American policies, made without a coherent long-term strategy. Performative trade disputes with Washington and symbolic grandstanding in multilateral organizations do little to advance Canada’s interests.
Instead of reacting emotionally, Canada must take proactive steps to secure its economic, resource, and defence future. That is the role of a responsible government.
History’s best strategists understood that one should never fight an opponent’s war but instead dictate the terms of engagement. Canada’s future does not depend on reacting to Washington’s policies—these are calculated strategies, not whims. Instead, Canada’s success will be determined by its ability to act in the interests of citizens in all regions of the country, and seeing the world as it is rather than how ideological narratives wish it to be.
Marco Navarro-Génie is the vice president of research at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. With Barry Cooper, he is co-author of Canada’s COVID: The Story of a Pandemic Moral Panic (2023).
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