From LifeSiteNews

By Clare Marie Merkowsky

Health Canada released reports discussing advance requests for euthanasia, which would allow Canadians to pre-authorize their own killing even after losing decision-making capacity.

Health Canada has released a series of studies on advance requests for assisted suicide in its latest move to expand the nation’s euthanasia regime.

On October 29, Health Canada published a summary of the National Conversation on Advance Requests for Medical Assistance in Dying, which focussed on the suggestion to expand Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) by allowing advance requests for death by lethal injection.

“An advance request is a request for MAiD made by an individual who still has the capacity to make decisions, but before they are eligible or want to receive it,” the report stated. “Their intent is that MAiD be provided in the future: after they have lost the capacity to consent and when they meet the eligibility criteria for receiving MAiD.”

As it stands, in order for a person to be killed by euthanasia in Canada, they must provide “consent” at the time of their suicide. So-called “advance requests” would allow a person to approve their killing at a future date, meaning it would be carried out even if they are incapable of consenting, due to diminished mental capacity or other factors, when the pre-approved death date comes.

These request are currently illegal under the Criminal Code. Despite this, in October 2024, Quebec announced it is taking early requests for assisted suicide.

Now, in addition to not punishing Quebec for their disregard of the law, Health Canada, run by the Liberal government, appears to be in favour of changing the law to expand euthanasia even further.

The report presented a hypothetical case of a man suffering from Alzheimer’s disease, which would likely mean he would lose the ability to make health decisions as his condition progresses.

“Later, after thinking about it further, Charlie decides that should his health decline rapidly and he starts experiencing intolerable suffering after he has lost capacity to make health care decisions, he would like to have MAiD provided,” the report states.

“Charlie then works with his health care provider’s team to develop an advance request. It sets out the conditions that would constitute enduring and intolerable suffering for him after he has lost capacity,” it continued.

“For example, these could include not being able to feed himself, get out of bed and not being able to recognize his children for over a month. In his request, Charlie indicates that if these conditions were to arise, it is his explicit wish that he be provided MAiD,” the story concluded.

The report further cited surveys which found that Canadians were generally supportive of advance requests, but raised concerns over how the system would be implemented.

While the report purported to represent the thoughts of Canadians, it notably excluded Euthanasia Prevention Coalition Director Alex Schadenberg, who was not invited to the roundtable discussions but permitted to make a presentation.

Prior to the report, Schadenberg revealed that he believes Health Canada has “stacked the deck” to ensure an outcome in support of advance requests, “just like they’ve stacked the deck in every other consultation over the past several years.”

The push for advance requests began last November when Health Canada called for a “national conversation on advance requests” for euthanasia.

Since legalizing the deadly practice at the federal level in 2016, the Liberal government has continued to expand the criteria for who can “qualify” for death. In 2021, the Liberal government passed a bill that permitted the killing of those who are not terminally ill but who suffer solely from chronic disease.

The government has also attempted to expand the practice to those suffering solely from mental illness but has delayed  doing so until 2027 after pushback from pro-life, medical, and mental health groups as well as most of Canada’s provinces.

Already in Canada, assisted suicide has expanded 13-fold since it was legalized, making it the fastest-growing euthanasia program in the world.

The most recent reports show that euthanasia is the sixth highest cause of death in Canada. However, it was not listed as such in Statistics Canada’s top 10 leading causes of death from 2019 to 2022.

From Resource Works

By Geoff Russ

For major projects, what is old is new again

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s second wave of “nation-building projects” sounds transformative: six new energy and mining proposals, plus a northern corridor, added to the first tranche unveiled in September, and included in the freshly passed federal budget for the fiscal year.

Together, Ottawa says, they amount to more than $116 billion in investment and are central to “realizing Canada’s full potential as an energy superpower.” That is the pitch in the federal news release.

Look closely, though, and a different picture emerges. For major projects, what is old is new again. Almost every file now being “fast-tracked” was already on the books, sometimes for a decade or more.

The new referrals to the Major Projects Office (MPO) are all familiar: the Nisga’a-led Ksi Lisims LNG terminal on B.C.’s north coast; BC Hydro’s North Coast Transmission Line; Canada Nickel’s Crawford project near Timmins; Nouveau Monde Graphite’s Matawinie mine north of Montréal; Northcliff’s Sisson tungsten project in New Brunswick; and the Inuit-owned Iqaluit Nukkiksautiit hydro project in Nunavut. The “Northwest Critical Conservation Corridor” in B.C. and the Yukon is added as a long-range concept.

Long timelines and longstanding obstacles

None of these is a fresh idea. As the Globe and Mail notes in a project-by-project rundown, Ksi Lisims has been in development for years and already faces two Federal Court challenges from nearby First Nations and opposition from Wet’suwet’en hereditary leaders who fought Coastal GasLink. The North Coast Transmission Line was identified in 2023, with B.C. legislation to fast-track it and term-sheet co-ownership deals with First Nations already in place. The Sisson mine has been stalled at the pre-construction stage for more than a decade, despite earlier approvals and new public money to update its feasibility study.

Iqaluit hydro is hardly a novelty either. As Globe reporting shows, dam concepts near the city have been studied since the mid-2000s, with the current Inuit-owned proposal building on that earlier work and backed by federal engineering funds. The Crawford nickel project was acquired in 2019 and has spent years lining up investors and a complex financing stack, documented in both CBC and Financial Post coverage. Matawinie received its Quebec authorization in 2021, has an impact-benefit agreement with the local Atikamekw Nation and now enjoys federal price-floor guarantees on graphite.

The first tranche, announced in September, follows the same pattern. LNG Canada Phase 2 in Kitimat, new nuclear at Darlington, Contrecoeur container capacity at the Port of Montréal, McIlvenna Bay in Saskatchewan and the Red Chris expansion in B.C. were all in various stages of planning long before Carney entered office. The MPO is not inventing a new project pipeline; it is trying to accelerate the one Ottawa already had.

Acceleration is the point — and industry welcomes it

Acceleration is, to be fair, the point. The Calgary-based MPO, led by former Trans Mountain head Dawn Farrell, is designed to run permits in parallel, not one after another, and to coordinate financing through bodies like the Canada Infrastructure Bank and Canada Growth Fund. Farrell told CBC that work which might have taken “five or six more years” could be cut to roughly two. In a country where large projects regularly die of regulatory exhaustion, that is significant.

Industry likes the signal. Canada Nickel CEO Mark Selby says MPO referral “puts us in the fast lane,” even without the more controversial “national interest” label in Bill C-5 that would allow cabinet to set aside parts of the Fisheries Act, Species at Risk Act or Impact Assessment Act. Inuit proponents of the Iqaluit project welcome Carney’s description of their hydro plan as a breakthrough for Arctic sovereignty, replacing millions of litres of diesel.

But a superpower strategy this is not

Still, if this is what becoming an “energy superpower” looks like, it is a modest start.

Notably absent from Carney’s list is any new oil pipeline. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has spent months pushing a concept for a bitumen pipeline from the oil sands to the northern B.C. coast, doing provincial groundwork in the hope a private proponent will one day take it over. A BBC report sets out the feud with B.C. Premier David Eby, who dismisses the idea as “fictional” and “political” and insists no company wants it, accusing Smith of jeopardizing B.C.’s LNG ambitions. Smith has called that stance “un-Canadian.”

Western frustration is growing. In the National Post, Whitecap Resources chief executive Grant Fagerheim warns of “fury from Alberta and Saskatchewan” if a pipeline to tidewater is never prioritized and argues producers are tired of a U.S.-dominated system where Canadian barrels sell at a discount while others capture the margins. He favours an energy corridor carrying oil, gas, power and rail, not just more rhetoric about nation-building.

Northern ambitions lag behind rhetoric

Another gap is the North. The Indigenous-led Arctic Gateway partnership, Manitoba and Ottawa are already spending heavily on the Hudson Bay Railway and planning new storage and loading systems to expand the Port of Churchill for grain, potash, critical minerals and Arctic resupply. Carney talks up a “huge host of opportunities” in northern Manitoba, but Churchill sits only on the MPO’s lower-profile “transformative strategies” list, with a full plan now pushed out to 2026.

Meanwhile, the one project that has fundamentally shifted Canada’s oil export position is the long-delayed Trans Mountain expansion. As Resource Works points out, TMX now sends diluted bitumen from Burnaby to Asia, shrinking the old “captive discount” and giving Canada genuine leverage in global markets. But TMX predates Carney’s government by more than a decade and only exists because Ottawa nationalized a struggling private pipeline to get it built.

Evolution, not revolution

Carney’s major-projects push is real, and for the companies involved, the prospect of faster permits and clearer federal backing is very good news. Yet for a government that talks about mobilizing a trillion dollars and remaking Canada as an energy superpower, the current list is evolutionary rather than revolutionary. For now, Ottawa is mostly trying to build what was already on the drawing board. The tougher choices on pipelines, ports and interprovincial trade still lie in front of it.

Headline photo credit to THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld