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Doug Ford – the Net Zero Premier

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Canadians for Affordable Energy

Dan McTeague By Dan McTeague

Doug Ford came into power promising a change from the Kathleen Wynne Green Energy Act fiasco – the one which saddled Ontario taxpayers with costly green energy contracts, driving up the price of power. Ford promised to scrap those wasteful contracts, lower hydro rates, and restore affordability to Ontario. But as we take stock of his energy policies today, it seems Ford is steering Ontario down a path that feels a bit too familiar.

For all his talk about energy affordability, Ford continues to pander to the environmentalist “Net Zero” ideology that got Ontario into this mess in the first place. The idea is that somehow Canada will be a net zero emitter of greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. We have seen this play out at the Federal level, with the Trudeau Liberals implementing a host of reckless and punitive policies in the vain hopes of achieving this preposterous goal. You can thank Net Zero for Carbon Taxes, Emissions Caps, the Clean Fuel Standard, Electric Vehicle Mandates and on and on.

Instead of backing away and distancing himself from this scam, Doug Ford has embraced and doubled down on it. Recall that during a provincial leaders debate in June 2022, Ford stated that he will not be happy until Ontario achieves a 100% zero-carbon electricity grid, buying into the Net Zero electrification nonsense that the Trudeau government is pushing. This would mean moving away from fossil fuels like affordable and reliable natural gas as energy sources in Ontario.

Stephen Lecce, Ford’s minister of the recently renamed Ministry of Energy and Electrification, is full steam ahead on this project. And the ministry’s new name is significant, pointing towards an “energy transition” for Ontario, such that eventually everything – cars, home heating, etc. – will be run on electricity rather than traditional fuels.

Currently, about 20 per cent of Ontario’s energy needs are met by electricity, so where will this electricity come from, without fossil fuels? At a recent Empire Club event, Ford gave a fireside chat where he discussed Ontario’s electricity plan (you can hear the interview here). He spoke about the energy sector and his commitment to all low carbon options for Ontario’s electricity grid, including wind and solar. This marks a reversal of his earlier skepticism about these technologies. The irony is that Ontario taxpayers are still paying for the expensive legacy of earlier wind and solar government spending. Wasting more taxpayer dollars will mean more of the following: higher energy costs, decreased grid reliability, and growing public debt.

As energy expert Parker Gallant has pointed out, the costs of wind power alone have been staggering, with taxpayers footing the bill for inefficient projects that deliver intermittent power. Doubling down on these same strategies, even under a different name, does little to address affordability or reliability.

Ford has hitched his horse fully to the Net Zero wagon. According to his government’s policy document Planning for electrification and the energy transition: “Much of the world – including many of Ontario’s major trading partners – have committed to achieving economy-wide carbon neutrality by 2050.” Consequently, it recommends that Ontario adopt similar Net Zero strategies, as doing so allegedly contributes “to the global climate solution and thereby sets the province up to succeed and prosper in the emerging global clean energy economy.”

These claims didn’t make sense when they were made five years ago and they make even less sense today. Afterall, Ontario’s largest trading partner to the South has just elected Donald Trump whose policy approach to energy can be summarized by the phrase, “Drill Baby Drill.” We can expect that one of Trump’s first acts as president will be to (once again) exit the Paris Agreement. Trump has no intention of drinking the Net Zero KoolAid, though he will no doubt be happy to have America’s competitors like Canada burden themselves with unnecessary environmental commitments and regulations, which will drive up the cost of doing business and make “made in America” a much more attractive brand. Competitiveness and affordability in Canada can go out the window as manufacturers and businesses will start looking South as the more attractive business environment.

While Trump seeks to unleash the United States’ energy potential, Ford will only stifle Ontario’s. Which is to say, Ford is setting Ontario up for failure. Now that is a real net zero.

Dan McTeague is President of Canadians for Affordable Energy.

An 18 year veteran of the House of Commons, Dan is widely known in both official languages for his tireless work on energy pricing and saving Canadians money through accurate price forecasts. His Parliamentary initiatives, aimed at helping Canadians cope with affordable energy costs, led to providing Canadians heating fuel rebates on at least two occasions. Widely sought for his extensive work and knowledge in energy pricing, Dan continues to provide valuable insights to North American media and policy makers. He brings three decades of experience and proven efforts on behalf of consumers in both the private and public spheres. Dan is committed to improving energy affordability for Canadians and promoting the benefits we all share in having a strong and robust energy sector.

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Land use will be British Columbia’s biggest issue in 2026

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By Resource Works

Tariffs may fade. The collision between reconciliation, property rights, and investment will not.

British Columbia will talk about Donald Trump’s tariffs in 2026, and it will keep grinding through affordability. But the issue that will decide whether the province can build, invest, and govern is land use.

The warning signs were there in 2024. Land based industries still generate 12 per cent of B.C.’s GDP, and the province controls more than 90 per cent of the land base, and land policy was already being remade through opaque processes, including government to government tables. When rules for access to land feel unsettled, money flows slow into a trickle.

The Cowichan ruling sends shockwaves

In August 2025, the Cowichan ruling turned that unease into a live wire. The court recognized the Cowichan’s Aboriginal title over roughly 800 acres within Richmond, including lands held by governments and unnamed third parties. It found that grants of fee simple and other interests unjustifiably infringed that title, and declared certain Canada and Richmond titles and interests “defective and invalid,” with those invalidity declarations suspended for 18 months to give governments time to make arrangements.

The reaction has been split. Supporters see a reminder that constitutional rights do not evaporate because land changed hands. Critics see a precedent that leaves private owners exposed, especially because unnamed owners in the claim area were not parties to the case and did not receive formal notice. Even the idea of “coexistence” has become contentious, because both Aboriginal title and fee simple convey exclusive rights to decide land use and capture benefits.

Market chill sets in

McLTAikins translated the risk into advice that landowners and lenders can act on: registered ownership is not immune from constitutional scrutiny, and the land title system cannot cure a constitutional defect where Aboriginal title is established. Their explanation of fee simple reads less like theory than a due diligence checklist that now reaches beyond the registry.

By December, the market was answering. National Post columnist Adam Pankratz reported that an industrial landowner within the Cowichan title area lost a lender and a prospective tenant after a $35 million construction loan was pulled. He also described a separate Richmond hotel deal where a buyer withdrew after citing precedent risk, even though the hotel was not within the declared title lands. His case that uncertainty is already changing behaviour is laid out in Montrose.

Caroline Elliott captured how quickly court language moved into daily life after a City Richmond letter warned some owners that their title might be compromised. Whatever one thinks of that wording, it pushed land law out of the courtroom and into the mortgage conversation.

Mining and exploration stall

The same fault line runs through the critical minerals push. A new mineral claims regime now requires consultation before claims are approved, and critics argue it slows early stage exploration and forces prospectors to reveal targets before they can secure rights. Pankratz made that critique earlier, in his argument about mineral staking.

Resource Works, summarising AME feedback on Mineral Tenure Act modernisation, reported that 69.5 per cent of respondents lacked confidence in proposed changes, and that more than three quarters reported increased uncertainty about doing business in B.C. The theme is not anti consultation. It is that process, capacity, and timelines decide whether consultation produces partnership or paralysis.

Layered on top is the widening fight over UNDRIP implementation and DRIPA. Geoffrey Moyse, KC, called for repeal in a Northern Beat essay on DRIPA, arguing that Section 35 already provides the constitutional framework and that trying to operationalise UNDRIP invites litigation and uncertainty.

Tariffs and housing will still dominate headlines. But they are downstream of land. Until B.C. offers a stable bargain over who can do what, where, and on what foundation, every other promise will be hostage to the same uncertainty. For a province still built on land based wealth, Resource Works argues in its institutional history that the resource economy cannot be separated from land rules. In 2026, that is the main stage.

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Dark clouds loom over Canada’s economy in 2026

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jock Finlayson

The dawn of a new year is an opportune time to ponder the recent performance of Canada’s $3.4 trillion economy. And the overall picture is not exactly cheerful.

Since the start of 2025, our principal trading partner has been ruled by a president who seems determined to unravel the post-war global economic and security order that provided a stable and reassuring backdrop for smaller countries such as Canada. Whether the Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade agreement (that President Trump himself pushed for) will even survive is unclear, underscoring the uncertainty that continues to weigh on business investment in Canada.

At the same time, Europe—representing one-fifth of the global economy—remains sluggish, thanks to Russia’s relentless war of choice against Ukraine, high energy costs across much of the region, and the bloc’s waning competitiveness. The huge Chinese economy has also lost a step. None of this is good for Canada.

Yet despite a difficult external environment, Canada’s economy has been surprisingly resilient. Gross domestic product (GDP) is projected to grow by 1.7 per cent (after inflation) this year. The main reason is continued gains in consumer spending, which accounts for more than three-fifths of all economic activity. After stripping out inflation, money spent by Canadians on goods and services is set to climb by 2.2 per cent in 2025, matching last year’s pace. Solid consumer spending has helped offset the impact of dwindling exports, sluggish business investment and—since 2023—lacklustre housing markets.

Another reason why we have avoided a sharper economic downturn is that the Trump administration has, so far, exempted most of Canada’s southbound exports from the president’s tariff barrage. This has partially cushioned the decline in Canada’s exports—particularly outside of the steel, aluminum, lumber and auto sectors, where steep U.S. tariffs are in effect. While exports will be lower in 2025 than the year before, the fall is less dramatic than analysts expected 6 to 8 months ago.

Although Canada’s economy grew in 2025, the job market lost steam. Employment growth has softened and the unemployment rate has ticked higher—it’s on track to average almost 7 per cent this year, up from 5.4 per cent two years ago. Unemployment among young people has skyrocketed. With the economy showing little momentum, employment growth will remain muted next year.

Unfortunately, there’s nothing positive to report on the investment front. Adjusted for inflation, private-sector capital spending has been on a downward trajectory for the last decade—a long-term trend that can’t be explained by Trump’s tariffs. Canada has underperformed both the United States and several other advanced economies in the amount of investment per employee. The investment gap with the U.S. has widened steadily since 2014. This means Canadian workers have fewer and less up-to-date tools, equipment and technology to help them produce goods and services compared to their counterparts in the U.S. (and many other countries). As a result, productivity growth in Canada has been lackluster, narrowing the scope for wage increases.

Preliminary data indicate that both overall non-residential investment and business capital spending on machinery, equipment and advanced technology products will be down again in 2025. Getting clarity on the future of the Canada-U.S. trade relationship will be key to improving the business environment for private-sector investment. Tax and regulatory policy changes that make Canada a more attractive choice for companies looking to invest and grow are also necessary. This is where government policymakers should direct their attention in 2026.

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