Business
Comparing four federal finance ministers in moments of crisis

From the Fraser Institute
By Grady Munro, Milagros Palacios and Jason Clemens
The sudden resignation of federal finance minister (and deputy prime minister) Chrystia Freeland, hours before the government was scheduled to release itsĀ fall economic updateĀ has thrown an already badly underperforming government into crisis. In her letter ofĀ resignation, Freeland criticized the government, and indirectly the prime minister, for ācostly political gimmicksā and irresponsible handling of the countryās finances and economy during a period of great uncertainty.
But while Freelandās criticism of recentĀ poorly-designedĀ federal policies is valid, her resignation, in some ways, tries to reshape her history into that of a more responsible finance minister. That is, however, ultimately an empirical question. If we contrast the performance of the last four long-serving (more than three years) federal finance ministersāPaul Martin (Liberal), Jim Flaherty (Conservative), Bill Morneau (Liberal) and Freeland (Liberal)āitās clear that neither Freeland nor her predecessor (Morneau) were successful finance ministers in terms of imposing fiscal discipline or overseeing a strong Canadian economy.
Letās first consider the most basic measure of economic performance, growth in per-personĀ gross domestic productĀ (GDP), adjusted for inflation. This is a broad measure of living standards that gauges the value of all goods and services produced in the economy adjusted for the population and inflation. The chart below shows the average annual growth in inflation-adjusted per-person GDP over the course of each finance ministerās term. (Adjustments are made to reflect the effects of temporary recessions or unique aspects of each ministerās tenure to make it easier to compare the performances of each finance minister.)

Sources: Statistics Canada Table 17-10-0005-01, Table 36-10-0222-01; 2024 Fall Economic Statement
By far Paul Martin oversaw the strongest growth in per-person GDP, with an average annual increase of 2.4 per cent. Over his entire tenure spanning a decade, living standards rose more than 25 per cent.
The average annual increase in per-person GDP under Flaherty was 0.6 per cent, although that includes the financial recession of 2008-09. If we adjust the data for the recession, average annual growth in per-person GDP was 1.4 per cent, still below Martin but more than double the rate if the effects of the recession are included.
During Bill Morneauās term, average annual growth in per-person GDP was -0.5 per cent, although this includes the effects of the COVID recession. If we adjust to exclude 2020, Morneau averaged a 0.7 per cent annual increaseāhalf the adjusted average annual growth rate under Flaherty.
Finally, Chrystia Freeland averaged annual growth in per-person GDP of -0.3 per cent during her tenure. And while the first 18 or so months of her time as finance minister, from the summer of 2020 through 2021, were affected by the COVID recession and the subsequent rebound, the average annual rate of per-person GDP growth was -0.2 per cent during her final three years. Consequently, at the time of her resignation from cabinet in 2024, Canadian living standards are projected to be 1.8 per cent lower than they were in 2019.
Letās now consider some basic fiscal measures.
Martin is by far the strongest performing finance minister across almost every metric. Faced with aĀ loomingĀ fiscal crisis brought about by decades of deficits and debt accumulation, he reducedĀ spendingĀ both in nominal terms and as a share of the economy. For example, after adjusting for inflation, per-person spending on federal programs dropped by 5.9 per cent during his tenure as finance minister (see chart below). As aĀ result, the federal government balanced the budget and lowered the national debt, ultimately freeing up resources via lower interest costs for personal and business tax relief that made the country more competitive and improved incentives for entrepreneurs, businessowners, investors and workers.
*Note: Freeland’s term began in 2020, but given the influence of COVID, 2019 is utilized as the baseline for the overall change in spending. Sources: Statistics Canada Table 17-10-0005-01, Table 36-10-0130-01; Fiscal Reference Tables 2024; 2024 Fall Economic Statement
Flahertyās record as finance minister is mixed, in part due to the recession of 2008-09. Per-person program spending (inflation adjusted) increased by 11.6 per cent, and there was a slight (0.6 percentage point) increase in spending as a share of the economy.Ā DebtĀ also increased as a share of the economy, although again, much of the borrowing during Flahertyās tenure was linked with the 2008-09 recession. Flaherty did implement tax relief, including extending the business income tax cuts started under Martin, which made Canada more competitive in attracting investment and fostering entrepreneurship.
Both Morneau and Freeland recorded much worse financial performances than Flaherty and Martin. Morneau increased per-person spending on programs (inflation adjusted) by 37.1 per cent after removing 2020 COVID-related expenditures. Even if a more generous assessment is used, specifically comparing spending in 2019 (prior to the effects of the pandemic and recession) per-person spending still increased by 18.1 per cent compared to the beginning of his tenure.
In his five years, Morneau oversaw an increase in total federal debt of more than $575 billion, some of which was linked with COVID spending in 2020. However, as multiple analyses have concluded, the Trudeau government spent more and accumulated more debt during COVID than most comparable industrialized countries, with little or nothing to show for it in terms ofĀ economic growthĀ or betterĀ health performance. Simply put, had Morneau exercised more restraint, Canada would have accumulated less debt and likely performed better economically.
Freelandās tenure as finance minister is the shortest of the four ministers examined. Itās nonetheless equally as unimpressive as that of her Trudeau government predecessor (Morneau). If we use baseline spending from 2019 to adjust for the spike in spending in 2020 when she was appointed finance minister, per-person spending on programs by the federal government (inflation adjusted) during Freelandās term increased by 4.1 per cent. Total federal debt is expected to increase fromĀ $1.68 trillionĀ when Freeland took over to an estimatedĀ $2.2 trillionĀ this year, despite the absence of a recession or any other event that would impair federal finances since the end of COVID in 2021. For someĀ perspective, the $470.8 billion in debt accumulated under Freeland is more than double the $220.3 billion accumulated under Morneau prior to COVID. And thereās an immediate cost to that debt in the form ofĀ $53.7 billionĀ in expected federal debt interest costs this year. These are taxpayer resources unavailable for actual services such as health care.
Freelandās resignation from cabinet sent shock waves throughout the country, perhaps relieving her of responsibility for the Trudeau governmentās latest poorly-designed fiscal policies. However, cabinet ministers bear responsibility for the performance of their ministriesāmeaning Freeland must be held accountable for her previous budgets and the fiscal and economic performance of the government during her tenure. Compared to previous long-serving finances ministers, itās clear that Chrystia Freeland, and her Trudeau predecessor Bill Morneau, failed to shepherd a strong economy or maintain responsible and prudent finances.
2025 Federal Election
MEI-Ipsos poll: 56 per cent of Canadians support increasing access to non-governmental healthcare providers

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Most believe private providers can deliver services faster than government-run hospitals
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77 per cent of Canadians say their provincial healthcare system is too bureaucratic
Canadians are increasingly in favour of breaking the government monopoly over health care by opening the door to independent providers and cross-border treatments, an MEI-Ipsos poll has revealed.
āCanadians from coast to coast are signalling they want to see more involvement from independent health providers in our health system,ā explains Emmanuelle B. Faubert, economist at the MEI. āThey understand that universal access doesnāt mean government-run, and that consistent failures to deliver timely care in government hospitals are a feature of the current system.ā
Support for independent health care is on the rise, with 56 per cent of respondents in favour of allowing patients to access services provided by independent health entrepreneurs. Only 25Ā perĀ cent oppose this.
In Quebec, support is especially strong, with 68 per cent endorsing this change.
Favourable views of accessing care through a mixed system are widespread, with three quarters of respondents stating that private entrepreneurs can deliver healthcare services faster than hospitals managed by the government. This is up four percentage points from last year.
Countries like Sweden and France combine universal coverage with independent providers and deliver faster, more accessible care. When informed about how these health systems run, nearly two in three Canadians favour adopting such models.
The poll also finds that 73 per cent of Canadians support allowing patients to receive treatment abroad with provincial coverage, which could help reduce long wait times at home.
Common in the European Union, this ācross-border directiveā enabledĀ 450,000 patientsĀ to access elective surgeries in 2022, with costs reimbursed as if they had been treated in their home country.
Thereās a growing consensus that provincial healthcare systems are overly bureaucratic, with the strongest agreement in Alberta, B.C., and Quebec. The proportion of Canadians holding this view has risen by 16 percentage points since 2020.
Nor do Canadians see more spending as being a solution: over half say the current pace of healthcare spending in their province is unsustainable.
āGovernments shouldnāt keep doubling down on what isnāt working. Instead, they should look at what works abroad,ā says Ms. Faubert. āCanadians have made it clear they want to shift gears; now itās up to policymakers to show theyāre listening.ā
A sample of 1,164 Canadians aged 18 and older was polled between March 24th and March 28th, 2025. The margin of error is ±3.3 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.
The results of the MEI-Ipsos poll are available here.
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The MEI is an independent public policy think tank with offices in Montreal, Ottawa, and Calgary. Through its publications, media appearances, and advisory services to policymakers, the MEI stimulates public policy debate and reforms based on sound economics and entrepreneurship.
2025 Federal Election
POLL: Canadians say industrial carbon tax makes life more expensive

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation released LegerĀ pollingĀ showing 70 per cent of Canadians believe businesses pass on most or some of the cost of the industrial carbon tax to consumers. Meanwhile, just nine per cent believe businesses pay most of the cost.
āThe poll shows Canadians understand that a carbon tax on business is a carbon tax on Canadians that makes life more expensive,ā said Franco Terrazzano, CTF Federal Director. āOnly nine per cent of Canadians believe Liberal Leader Mark Carneyās claim that businesses will pay most of the cost of his carbon tax.
āCanadians have a simple question for Carney: How much will your carbon tax cost?ā
The federal government currently imposes an industrial carbon tax on oil and gas, steel and fertilizer businesses,Ā among others.
CarneyĀ saidĀ he would āimprove and tightenā the industrial carbon tax and extend the āframework to 2035.ā Carney alsoĀ saidĀ that by āchanging the carbon tax ⦠We are making the large companies pay for everybody.ā
The Leger poll asked Canadians who they think ultimately pays the industrial carbon tax. Results of theĀ pollĀ show:
- 44 per cent say most of the cost is passed on to consumers
- 26 per cent say some of the cost is passed on to consumers
- 9 per cent say businesses pay most of the cost
- 21 per cent donāt know
Among those decided on the issue, 89 per cent of Canadians say businesses pass on most or some of the cost to consumers.
āCarbon taxes on refineries make gas more expensive, carbon taxes on utilities make home heating more expensive and carbon taxes on fertilizer plants increase costs for farmers and that makes groceries more expensive,ā Terrazzano said. āA carbon tax on business will push our entrepreneurs to cut production in Canada and increase production south of the border and that means higher prices and fewer jobs for Canadians.ā
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