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Canadian twins Chase and Sydney Brown set to make American college football history

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They were born together, they grew up together and attend the same American university.

Next week, Canadians Chase and Sydney Brown will make U.S. college football history together.

The Browns, identical twins from London, Ont., will represent Illinois at the Big Ten media days Tuesday and Wednesday at Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis. It’s reportedly the first time in U.S. college football history that twins will participate in a media day event together.

Illinois’ session is scheduled for Wednesday.

“Sydney and I always dreamt about playing college ball together and that’s been the story since the start,” Chase Brown told The Canadian Press in a telephone interview. “A couple of days ago we looked back and reflected on our path to where we are right now.

“We recalled a time when we were at our mom’s place looking out at local high school in London watching homecoming games and thinking we couldn’t wait to play high school football and be like those guys . . . and here we are now. This is a terrific opportunity to represent the great men and players who’ve been part of this program and the university at such a high level . . . it’s one we’re looking forward to and ready for.”

The brothers were significant contributors last season for Illinois (5-7 overall record, 4-5 in the Big Ten) in Bret Bielema’s first season as head coach.

Chase Brown, a five-foot-11, 205-pound running back, was the Big Ten’s third-leading rusher (1,005 yards on 170 carries, 5.9-yard average) with five touchdowns. He added 14 catches for 142 yards (10.1-yard average) and was named to the All Big 10 third team.

Sydney Brown, a six-foot, 200-pound defensive back, is a four-year starter at the school with 262 tackles and four interceptions in 38 career starts. He was an All-Big Ten honorable mention last season after registering 81 tackles (team-high 50 solo).

This week, Chase Brown was added to the watch list for both the Maxwell Award for college player of the year and Doak Walker Award for top running back. He was also on last year’s Walker list.

A second straight 1,000-yard season would enhance Chase Brown’s childhood dream of one day playing in the NFL. And he’s looking forward to being a part of first-year offensive co-ordinator/quarterback coach Ā Barry Lunny Jr.’s gameplan.

“His offence is a lot faster, we’re spread out more and we’re going to get a lot of playmakers the ball as well,” Brown said. “That’s going to be exciting to watch and I’m glad to be a part of it.

“But I’m not going to change the way I play. I’m going to go hard no matter what every single time I get an opportunity on the field . . . if I do that, then everything else will fall into place.”

While an NFL career remains a priority for Brown, he’s keeping the door open on a possible return to Canada.

“My goal since I I was a child was to play pro football,” he said. “I grew up watching Canadian football, I played it in high school and I’m not opposed to that idea at all.

“I’m not in control of where I go. The only thing I control right now is the work I put in and the production I have on the field . . . that’s what I have to focus on.”

The Browns began their high school careers in London before moving to Bradenton, Fla., and helping St. Stephenā€™s Episcopal School win consecutive Sunshine State Athletic Conference titles. Chase Brown originally enrolled at Western Michigan because of its aviation program before rejoining his brother at Illinois.

There’s precious little physically that distinguishes the two, who both wear their hair in a bun. Sydney Brown is slightly bigger but Chase Brown is the older of the two, by about two minutes. In full gear, the only way to tell them apart on the field is by their numbers — Chase Brown wears No. 2 while Sydney Brown dons No. 30.

If the Browns graduate to the pro ranks. they’ll very likely be on different teams, something Chase Brown said he and his brother fully understand.

“Obviously we don’t choose where we go at the next level,” Brown said. “A lot of it has to do with how we play and what teams are interested.

“But we’ve done so much here together that we’ll be able to reflect upon it together in the future, so we’re good.”

This season, the Browns will again be carrying the torch for young football players north of the border, providing more evidence Canadians can play in the NCAA.

“Canada is often overlooked for football,” Brown said. “I just hope we can motivate more Canadians to make the move and just know it’s not impossible to get down and play at a Power Five school.

“But this doesn’t come without sacrifice, it takes a lot of hard work. As long as you learn to put in the work, it’s not impossible to do.”

Illinois is slated to open its ’22 season hosting Wyoming on Aug. 27. And Brown, for one, isn’t resting upon his laurels.

“We’re really confident in what we have and we’re just looking forward to putting it on the field,” he said. “We just have to dominate every single week, be the best players we can be on the field, the best people we can in the community and leave Champagne, Ill., feeling good and like we left this university in a better place than when we came in.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published July 20, 2022.

Dan Ralph, The Canadian Press

Storytelling is in our DNA. We provide credible, compelling multimedia storytelling and services in English and French to help captivate your digital, broadcast and print audiences. As Canadaā€™s national news agency for 100 years, we give Canadians an unbiased news source, driven by truth, accuracy and timeliness.

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2025 Federal Election

Chinese Gangs Dominate Canada: Why Will Voters Give Liberals Another Term?

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Thereā€™s an old joke that goes, the Japanese want to buy Vancouver but the Chinese arenā€™t selling. Glib, yes. But with enough truthā€” Chinese own an estimated 30 percent of Vancouverā€™s real estate marketā€” to pack a punch; Especially in this truncated rush to anoint Mark Carney PM before anyone finds out exactly whoā€™s his Mama.

The advertised narrative for this election is Donald Trumpā€™s vote of no confidence in the modern Canadian state. A segment of Canadiansā€” mostly Boomersā€” see this as intolerable foreign interference in the countryā€™s sovereignty. So rather than look inward at why Canadaā€™s closest partner is fed up with them the Liberal government has chosen a pep rally rathe than any uncomfortable questions.

Namely about Chinese interference in Canadaā€™s politics, the distortion of real-estate prices in Canadian urban markets, the exploitation of banking and the thriving drug trade that underpins it all. And how itā€™s driving a wedge between generations in the nation. As we like to say, Canadaā€™s contented elites have been sitting in first class for decades but only paying economy.

Theyā€™d like you to forget insinuations that Canada is a global money-laundering capital. Better to blame Trump for the ā€œwillful blindnessā€ that has Americans and others losing trust in Canada to keep secrets and contribute its fair share tom protecting against the growth of China. (The same geopolitical concern that saw Trump kick the Chinese out of the Panama Canal Zone.)

Thanks to the diligent reporting of journalist Sam Cooper and others we know better. And itā€™s ugly. An estimated trillion dollars from Chinese organized crime has washed through Canada since the 1990s. Theyā€™ve used underground banks and illegal currency smuggling to circumvent the law. Theyā€™ve bribed and intimidated. And theyā€™ve poisoned elections.

This penetration of the culture/ economy by well-organized Asian criminal gangs have been around since the 1990s, but under Trudeau they hit warp speed. By the time Trump inconveniently raised the issue of border security in January, Canadaā€™s economy could fairly be characterized as a real-estate bubble with a drug-money-laundering chaser.Ā  The Chinese Communist Party now operates ā€œpolice stationsā€ in many Canadian cities to supervise this activity and report to Beijing.

In his 2021 book Willful Blindness (and subsequent reporting) Cooper patiently records this evolution with brazen Asian gangs using casinos in BC and Ontario as money-laundering outlets to wash drug money and other criminal proceeds, turning stacks of dirty twenty-dollar bills into clean hundred-dollar bills or casino chips.Ā (When Covid closed the casinos they used luxury mansions as private casinos.)

All financed by underground banks and loansharks. This process became known internationally as The ā€œVancouver Modelā€ to help establish Chinese proxies overseas and extend the CPP ā€˜s reach. Hey, the real estate kingpin is named Kash-Ing. (Kaching!) Itā€™s currently being used to buy farm properties in PEI, much to the anger of residents (who will still vote Liberal to protect their perks.)

While investigators and some authorities attempted to expose the schemes the perps were protected by compromised government officials, corrupt casino employees and the inability of courts to deliver justice. Itā€™s why Canadians were so shocked that TD Bank was fined $3B in the U.S. for allowing money laundering. ā€œNot us! No way! Weā€™re Simon pureā€.

Much of this money ended up in Canadaā€™s feverish real-estate market, with vacant properties creating insane price spirals across the nation. Itā€™s driven the inability of under 40s to buy homesā€” another major crisis the Liberals are trying to disguise under Mark Carney the compliant banker. Still more of the proceeds were used to build stronger drug-supply chains between Asia, Mexico and Canadaā€” with heroin and fentanyl then distributed to the U.S. and in Canada.

Against this explosion of housing and drug debt were stories of the political influence of these gangs into the Canadian system. The sitting Canadian prime minister, who praised the Chinese form of governing before he reached the PM post, has been seen in photos with underground Asian gang figures. As were previous Liberal leaders like Jean Chretien who made no secret of his lust for the Chinese market. Chinese money was used to build extensively in Chretienā€™s Shawinigan riding.

Donations to Trudeauā€™s Montreal riding association and to the Trudeau Foundation were favourites of shadowy Chinese figures. ā€œIn just two days (in 2016), the prime ministerā€™s (Outremont) riding received $70,000 from donors of Chinese origin, and at the same time, the government authorized the establishment of a Chinese bank in Canada,ā€ Bloc leader Yves-Francois Blanchet said on Feb. 28.

Donations to Trudeau from all across Canada constituted up to 80 percent of the ridingā€™s contributions that year. In May 2016, one such fundraiser saw Trudeau hosted by Benson Wong, chair of the Chinese Business Chamber of Commerce, along with 32 other wealthy guests in a pay-for-access event. The patterns exposed by Cooper finally prompted a commission by Quebec justice Marie-JosĆ©e Hogue looking into Chines interference in Trudeauā€™s successful 2019 and 2021 elections.

An interim report released last year by Hogue determined that while foreign interference might not have changed the outcome of Canadaā€™s 2019 and 2021 federal elections, it did undermine the rights of Canadian voters because it ā€œtainted the processā€ and eroded public trust.Ā  So petrified was Trudeau of the full Hogue Report that he prorogued parliament for three months and handed in his resignation rather than test his 22 percent approval rating in a Canadian election. Or his luck with the courts.

Luckily for Liberals Trump came along to smoke out Trudeau and allow for the current whitewash of the partyā€™s record since 2015 under Carney. So instead of agreeing with Washington about Canadaā€™s corrupted economy Canadians have decided to engage in a Mike Myers nostalgia fest for a nation long gone. A nation overly dominated by its smug, satisfied +60 demographic that sits back on its savings while younger Canadians cannot get into the economy.

Reaching past the sunset media to those people is Pierre Poilievreā€™s task. He has a month to do so. For Canadaā€™s long-term prospects heā€™d better succeed. The Chinese are watching closely.

Bruce Dowbiggin @dowbboy is the editor of Not The Public BroadcasterĀ  A two-time winner of the Gemini Award as Canada’s top television sports broadcaster, his new book Deal With It: The Trades That Stunned The NHL And Changed hockey is now available on Amazon. Inexact Science: The Six Most Compelling Draft Years In NHL History, his previous book with his son Evan, was voted the seventh-best professional hockey book of all time by bookauthority.org . His 2004 book Money Players was voted sixth best on the same list, and is available via brucedowbigginbooks.ca.

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Alberta

Albertans have contributed $53.6 billion to the retirement of Canadians in other provinces

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill and Nathaniel Li

Albertans contributed $53.6 billion more to CPP then retirees in Alberta received from it from 1981 to 2022

Albertansā€™ net contribution to the Canada Pension Plan ā€”meaning the amount Albertans paid into the program over and above what retirees in Alberta
received in CPP paymentsā€”was more than six times as much as any other province at $53.6 billion from 1981 to 2022, finds a new report published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think-tank.

ā€œAlbertan workers have been helping to fund the retirement of Canadians from coast to coast for decades, and Canadians ought to know that without Alberta, the Canada Pension Plan would look much different,ā€ said Tegan Hill, director of Alberta policy at the Fraser Institute and co-author of Understanding Albertaā€™s Role in National Programs, Including the Canada Pension Plan.

From 1981 to 2022, Alberta workers contributed 14.4 per cent (on average) of the total CPP premiums paidā€”Canadaā€™s compulsory, government- operated retirement pension planā€”while retirees in the province received only 10.0 per cent of the payments. Albertaā€™s net contribution over that period was $53.6 billion.

Crucially, only residents in two provincesā€”Alberta and British Columbiaā€”paid more into the CPP than retirees in those provinces received in benefits, and Albertaā€™s contribution was six times greater than BCā€™s.

The reason Albertans have paid such an outsized contribution to federal and national programs, including the CPP, in recent years is because of the provinceā€™s relatively high rates of employment, higher average incomes, and younger population.

As such, if Alberta withdrew from the CPP, Alberta workers could expect to receive the same retirement benefits but at a lower cost (i.e. lower payroll tax) than other Canadians, while the payroll tax would likely have to increase for the rest of the country (excluding Quebec) to maintain the same benefits.

ā€œGiven current demographic projections, immigration patterns, and Albertaā€™s long history of leading the provinces in economic growth, Albertan workers will likely continue to pay more into it than Albertan retirees get back from it,ā€ Hill said.

Understanding Albertaā€™s Role in National Programs, Including the Canada Pension Plan

  • Understanding Albertaā€™s role in national income transfers and other important programs is crucial to informing the broader debate around Albertaā€™s possible withdrawal from the Canada Pension Plan (CPP).
  • Due to Albertaā€™s relatively high rates of employment, higher average incomes, and younger population, Albertans contribute significantly more to federal revenues than they receive back in federal spending.
  • From 1981 to 2022, Alberta workers contributed 14.4 percent (on average) of the total CPP premiums paid while retirees in the province received only 10.0 percent of the payments. Albertans net contribution was $53.6 billion over the periodā€”approximately six times greater than British Columbiaā€™s net contribution (the only other net contributor).
  • Given current demographic projections, immigration patterns, and Albertaā€™s long history of leading the provinces in economic growth and income levels, Albertaā€™s central role in funding national programs is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future.
  • Due to Albertansā€™ disproportionate net contribution to the CPP, the current base CPP contribution rate would likely have to increase to remain sustainable if Alberta withdrew from the plan. Similarly, Albertaā€™s stand-alone rate would be lower than the current CPP rate.

 

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

Nathaniel Li

Senior Economist, Fraser Institute
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