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The Guilbeault – Trudeau Fallout: Canada’s Oil and Gas Emissions Cap is Under Fire from Experts and Business Leaders – Resource Works

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Steven Guilbeault, Canada’s environment and climate minister, at the COP28. Photo by AP.

By Resource Works

More News and Views From Resource Works Here

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his eco-extremist Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Steven Guilbeault are risking hundreds of billions of dollars of investments in Alberta’s and Canada’s economies and core social programs

The federal government’s proposed cap on emissions from oil and gas has now been outlined in a draft.

While Ottawa insists that it is not a cap on the production of oil and gas, experts fail to see how the emissions cap is not also a de facto production cap, given the details of the policy.

The industry fears that, in effect, that is just what it is — with negative impacts on western provinces that produce oil and gas for domestic use and for export.

The federal government proposes to limit emissions for oil and gas at 35% to 38% below the 2019 level. At the same time, Ottawa says the new rules would allow production to increase 12% above 2019 levels.

The producers are trying to figure out the ups and downs of the policy, and there is a lot to unpack. The federal draft “framework”  is open for discussion and consultation until February 2024.

The initial reaction from the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers was that the emissions cap could result in “significant” production cuts, and it called the government’s emissions framework unnecessary. Alberta’s oil and gas sector has been invested in decarbonization efforts and measures to reduce methane emissions, already beating a target of a 45% reduction by 2025.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith furiously flamed that “This announced de facto production cap on Alberta’s oil and gas sector amounts to an intentional attack by the federal government on the economy of Alberta and the financial well-being of millions of Albertans and Canadians. . . .

“With their pronouncement singling out the oil and gas sector alone for punitive federal treatment, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his eco-extremist Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Steven Guilbeault are risking hundreds of billions of dollars of investments in Alberta’s and Canada’s economies and core social programs, are devaluing the retirement investments of millions of Canadians, and are threatening the jobs of hundreds of thousands of Albertans.”

The Business Council of Canada hammered the cap as part of a “full-on charge against the oil and gas sector,” with no other industry so targeted by Ottawa. “It all seems punitive and short-sighted.”

The sectoral specificity is alarmingly pointed.

The Indigenous Resource Network also said it was disappointed by the emissions-cap announcement — and will seek an Indigenous exemption from the cap for Indigenous communities engaged in the oil and gas sector.

And Karen Ogen, CEO of the First Nations LNG Alliance, said from the COP28 climate conference in Dubai that the federal announcement is “disheartening” because of what resource projects mean to Indigenous people. “We’re being shoved aside again.”

The emissions cap follows the unravelling of the federal carbon tax. In the fall of 2023, the Federal Government made a number of exemptions and incentives, including removing the carbon tax from home heating in Atlantic Canada only. As Premiers in the rest of Canada voice their frustration, Saskatchewan even declared it will no longer collect the federal carbon tax at all.

Then the new national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, Cindy Woodhouse, said she ‘absolutely’ supports Ontario chiefs in a push for a review of federal carbon-pricing rules. The Ontario chiefs oppose the tax because they say it is not revenue neutral, especially for those on reserves, and because electric vehicles and heat pumps are neither available nor workable in many First Nations communities.

In the face of crumbling support for its policy agenda, Trevor Tombe of the University of Calgary saw in the new approach a softening of Ottawa’s enthusiasm for carbon taxes.

“I think it’s pretty clear that government is backing away from the carbon tax as a central pillar of their climate policy. And that means if you want to hit your target, you need to adopt other policies.”

Ergo, production (emissions) caps.

Debate continues over whether Canada is overdoing its climate measures, given that it produces only 1.5% of world emissions. And that Canada is the only top ten world oil producer that proposes such an emissions cap. None of the world’s other major oil producers have an emissions cap.

And then there’s the report from Canada’s independent parliamentary budget officer: “Canada’s own emissions are not large enough to materially impact climate change.”

He went on to say: “Consequently, Canada’s primary means of limiting the economic costs of climate change are through participation in a globally coordinated emissions reduction regime.”

LNG, anyone?

Whatever the final version of the regulatory cap looks like, we can expect to lose investment and economic activity, and the producing provinces, companies and their families can expect some pain.

That seems to be a trade-off that, to some extent, the federal government wants to make. But why is it going in this direction?

While some provinces like Quebec or Manitoba have incredible hydroelectric resources, and Ontario is Canada’s nuclear power leader, some provinces, especially in Western Canada, produce and consume oil and natural gas products.

BC produces natural gas in the northeast and is close to exporting LNG overseas. It is already contributing to transporting, refining and exporting oil that is produced elsewhere in the country.

These industries contribute to emissions, they cannot easily be phased out without serious implications for every aspect of how we live our lives. We rely on fossil fuels. So it’s not as simple as saying, “Let’s just get rid of it.”

Policy leaders globally are trying to resolve right now the question of what sacrifices and compromises are we willing to make in order to address climate change in a meaningful way; What is the rate of change and transformation that our economies are willing to accept? And that consumers — and voters — are willing to accept? What can we do without limiting human development in areas of the world where it’s still desperately needed?

We already have Ottawa’s carbon pricing (carbon taxation) scheme. The provinces have been given the opportunity to structure carbon pricing as they see fit, provided that it meets the baseline set by the federal government. Of course, not every province has wanted to do that.

Ottawa is signalling that they don’t think the carbon tax model has been working to meet the emissions (and electoral) targets that they’ve set. So now Ottawa has come up with this emissions backstop, what the feds call a cap-and-trade model for the oil and gas sector.

It’s fair to say that this scheme is a little bit more convoluted. It is going to limit industries. It will add consumer costs. It will cause even more confusion around energy. And we can certainly expect it to be challenged in court.

We’ve recently seen a number of federal environmental policies get kiboshed in courts on constitutional grounds, and criticized by judges across the country. Provincial governments have a tremendous stake in what goes on with natural resource development in their jurisdictions.

We don’t expect this issue of a federal emissions cap will be easily resolved. Look for it to be a very large part of the discussion around the next federal election.

All in all, there’s a lot of concern that, if the scheme is overly convoluted, industries could start to pull back. That could have a large impact on our ability to not only keep our economy strong and serve the interests of Canadians but also on our ability to invest in technologies that actually reduce emissions, like carbon capture or hydrogen.

Our Resource Works CEO, Stewart Muir, recently returned from the COP28 climate conference in Dubai. Among other things, he raised awareness of Canada’s role as a solutions provider to the world, from coal-displacing LNG to BC’s opportunity to become a major hydrogen energy hub.

We’ve made considerable progress in reducing emissions, especially in oil and gas. We have some of the most stringent regulations, not only on carbon and methane, but more broadly on, social and governance dimensions, how you manage local environmental concerns like water and land conservation, and protecting wildlife.

Canada has made huge progress at every level, and the energy sector is building new partnerships with Indigenous communities to ensure that they’re meaningfully included in land and environmental management and also in economic opportunities, including joint or sole ownership of projects.

We are part of addressing climate change and we are part of meeting the world’s energy needs sustainably, responsibly and reliably.

These are conversations that need to continue, and they need to inform our policy agenda as a country.

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Alberta

Ford and Trudeau are playing checkers. Trump and Smith are playing chess

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By Dan McTeague

 

Ford’s calls for national unity – “We need to stand united as Canadians!” – in context feels like an endorsement of fellow Electric Vehicle fanatic Trudeau. And you do wonder if that issue has something to do with it. After all, the two have worked together to pump billions in taxpayer dollars into the EV industry.

There’s no doubt about it: Donald Trump’s threat of a blanket 25% tariff on Canadian goods (to be established if the Canadian government fails to take sufficient action to combat drug trafficking and illegal crossings over our southern border) would be catastrophic for our nation’s economy. More than $3 billion in goods move between the U.S. and Canada on a daily basis. If enacted, the Trump tariff would likely result in a full-blown recession.

It falls upon Canada’s leaders to prevent that from happening. That’s why Justin Trudeau flew to Florida two weeks ago to point out to the president-elect that the trade relationship between our countries is mutually beneficial.

This is true, but Trudeau isn’t the best person to make that case to Trump, since he has been trashing the once and future president, and his supporters, both in public and private, for years. He did so again at an appearance just the other day, in which he implied that American voters were sexist for once again failing to elect the nation’s first female president, and said that Trump’s election amounted to an assault on women’s rights.

Consequently, the meeting with Trump didn’t go well.

But Trudeau isn’t Canada’s only politician, and in recent days we’ve seen some contrasting approaches to this serious matter from our provincial leaders.

First up was Doug Ford, who followed up a phone call with Trudeau earlier this week by saying that Canadians have to prepare for a trade war. “Folks, this is coming, it’s not ‘if,’ it is — it’s coming… and we need to be prepared.”

Ford said that he’s working with Liberal Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland to put together a retaliatory tariff list. Spokesmen for his government floated the idea of banning the LCBO from buying American alcohol, and restricting the export of critical minerals needed for electric vehicle batteries (I’m sure Trump is terrified about that last one).

But Ford’s most dramatic threat was his announcement that Ontario is prepared to shut down energy exports to the U.S., specifically to Michigan, New York, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, if Trump follows through with his plan. “We’re sending a message to the U.S. You come and attack Ontario, you attack the livelihoods of Ontario and Canadians, we’re going to use every tool in our toolbox to defend Ontarians and Canadians across the border,” Ford said.

Now, unfortunately, all of this chest-thumping rings hollow. Ontario does almost $500 billion per year in trade with the U.S., and the province’s supply chains are highly integrated with America’s. The idea of just cutting off the power, as if you could just flip a switch, is actually impossible. It’s a bluff, and Trump has already called him on it. When told about Ford’s threat by a reporter this week, Trump replied “That’s okay if he does that. That’s fine.”

And Ford’s calls for national unity – “We need to stand united as Canadians!” – in context feels like an endorsement of fellow Electric Vehicle fanatic Trudeau. And you do wonder if that issue has something to do with it. After all, the two have worked together to pump billions in taxpayer dollars into the EV industry. Just over the past year Ford and Trudeau have been seen side by side announcing their $5 billion commitment to Honda, or their $28.2 billion in subsidies for new Stellantis and Volkswagen electric vehicle battery plants.

Their assumption was that the U.S. would be a major market for Canadian EVs. Remember that “vehicles are the second largest Canadian export by value, at $51 billion in 2023 of which 93% was exported to the U.S.,”according to the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers Association, and “Auto is Ontario’s top export at 28.9% of all exports (2023).”

But Trump ran on abolishing the Biden administration’s de facto EV mandate. Now that he’s back in the White House, the market for those EVs that Trudeau and Ford invested in so heavily is going to be much softer. Perhaps they’d like to be able to blame Trump’s tariffs for the coming downturn rather than their own misjudgment.

In any event, Ford’s tactic stands in stark contrast to the response from Alberta, Canada’s true energy superpower. Premier Danielle Smith made it clear that her province “will not support cutting off our Alberta energy exports to the U.S., nor will we support a tariff war with our largest trading partner and closest ally.”

Smith spoke about this topic at length at an event announcing a new $29-million border patrol team charged with combatting drug trafficking, at which said that Trudeau’s criticisms of the president-elect were, “not helpful.” Her deputy premier Mike Ellis was quoted as saying, “The concerns that president-elect Trump has expressed regarding fentanyl are, quite frankly, the same concerns that I and the premier have had.” Smith and Ellis also criticized Ottawa’s progressively lenient approach to drug crimes.

(For what it’s worth, a recent Léger poll found that “Just 29 per cent of [Canadians] believe Trump’s concerns about illegal immigration and drug trafficking from Canada to the U.S. are unwarranted.” Perhaps that’s why some recent polls have found that Trudeau is currently less popular in Canada than Trump at the moment.)

Smith said that Trudeau’s criticisms of the president-elect were, “not helpful.” And on X/Twitter she said, “Now is the time to… reach out to our friends and allies in the U.S. to remind them just how much Americans and Canadians mutually benefit from our trade relationship – and what we can do to grow that partnership further,” adding, “Tariffs just hurt Americans and Canadians on both sides of the border. Let’s make sure they don’t happen.”

This is exactly the right approach. Smith knows there is a lot at stake in this fight, and is not willing to step into the ring in a fight that Canada simply can’t win, and will cause a great deal of hardship for all involved along the way.

While Trudeau indulges in virtue signaling and Ford in sabre rattling, Danielle Smith is engaging in true statesmanship. That’s something that is in short supply in our country these days.

As I’ve written before, Trump is playing chess while Justin Trudeau and Doug Ford are playing checkers. They should take note of Smith’s strategy. Honey will attract more than vinegar, and if the long history of our two countries tell us anything, it’s that diplomacy is more effective than idle threats.

Dan McTeague is President of Canadians for Affordable Energy.

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Business

Canada needs to get serious about securing its border

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From the Macdonald Laurier Institute

By Todd Hataley for Inside Policy

US President-elect Donald Trump has made clear his intention to call out Canada on weak enforcement on migration, money laundering, and the cross-border trafficking of narcotics, especially fentanyl.

Until just very recently, Canada has remained largely silent on these issues. Security agencies, such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), Ontario Provincial Police (OPP), Sûreté du Québec (SQ) and the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA), have tried to secure the border via memorandums of understanding, framework agreements, and legislated agreements that allow them to share information and even work together.

However, resources are limited for cross-border law enforcement co-operation. CBSA remains  understaffed and RCMP Integrated Border Enforcement Teams (which work with US security agencies) have limited geographic reach, leaving much of the enforcement between ports of entry left to police of jurisdiction, who already are hard pressed to provide services to the communities they serve.

The Canadian government’s apparent strategy of largely ignoring the problem is becoming more difficult to maintain. With the United States Border Patrol intercepting increasing numbers of illegal migrants crossing into that country from Canada, it’s clear the porous border is a concern. Exacerbating the situation is the recent discovery of illegal narcotic super labs in Canada – where production far outstrips the market – and Canada’s unfortunate, albeit well-deserved reputation as a haven for global money launderers.

Thanks to Trump’s 25 per cent tariff threat, the crisis is now endangering Canada’s relationship with its largest and most-important trading partner. This announcement sent all sectors of government and the private sector into a frenzy, prompting Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to fly to Florida to seek out an early audience with Trump at his Mar-a-lago resort home. Trudeau’s team spun the trip as proof that the federal government is serious about working with the US to address its border security and public safety concerns.

But with political crises piling up, it will be difficult for Trudeau to also manage the political optics of kowtowing to Trump, who is widely unpopular among Canadians. Spending extra money to appease Trump during the ongoing housing, immigration, and health care crises could make the Trudeau’s popularity nosedive even further. Adding insult to injury, Trump is essentially demanding that Canada do America’s work by stopping illicit goods and people from entering the United States: customs and border security officials generally work on the principle of stopping goods from entering their country.

Trudeau faces many practical challenges, including the need to ramp up the number of border and law enforcement agents who have the skill sets and training required to police offences such as drug production, money laundering, and the cross-border smuggling of goods and humans. Purchasing helicopters and drones to conduct surveillance will do little to aid enforcement, since most goods smuggled across the border pass through legitimate border crossings. RCMP Commissioner Mike Duheme even suggested putting RCMP cadets along the border – a challenging proposition since vast swathes of the border are either wilderness or water. Surveillance is one thing, but the act of enforcement takes skilled people with the capacity to investigate, gather evidence, and articulate that evidence into something that can be used by the courts for convictions. These concerns are not being addressed in this current frenzy to spend money on border security.

There is also good evidence that fortifying the border, or what has become known as forward deployment along the border, does nothing to stop the cross-border transit of contraband goods and people. One need only look as far as the United States-Mexico border to see the failure of forward deployment.

As authorities increase border enforcement activities, the costs of smuggling goods and people mounts for criminals. Eventually, it drives out amateurs, leaving only the professional, skilled, and well-equipped criminal groups. This, in turn, often leads to increasing levels of violence along the border, making interdiction and disruption far more difficult for law enforcement agencies.

Canada has several clear options to address Trump’s border concerns. It can increase the staffing of frontline CBSA officers, including border agents, inland enforcement units that actively investigate and remove individuals from Canada, international liaison officers, and customs processing staff. It can also create a plan for CBSA to take over enforcement between ports of entry. Currently, CBSA enforces entry into Canada at the ports of entry and the RCMP are responsible for the areas in between. Having a single agency manage the border builds capacity and expertise, avoiding inter-bureaucracy competition and confusion.

Canada can also work to better integrate law enforcement, intelligence units, and border services at all levels of government and across international boundaries. Cross-border crime operations are often planned and execute far from the border.

Some of this already takes place, as noted above, but it needs to go much deeper and be more supportive at both institutional and individual levels. This process must also include private sector stakeholders: companies such as FedEx, UPS, and Amazon, as well as freight forwarders, trucking companies, and customs brokers, are all involved in cross-border trade. Their participation as partners in reducing cross-border criminal activity is essential.

Finally, the government needs to designate laws specific to cross-border crime and include meaningful penalties as a means of deterrence.

Hyper-focusing on the border while ignoring other aspects of cross-border crime may be good political optics, but it is a bad strategy. What we really need is functional enforcement – including an integrated process extended vertically and horizontally across all sectors of border stakeholders, at and away from the border, supported by strong policy and legislation. This is the path forward to better cross-border crime enforcement.


Dr. Todd Hataley is a professor in the School of Justice and Community Development at Fleming College. A retired member of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, he worked as an investigator in organized crime, national security, cross-border crime, and extra-territorial torture. He is a contributor to the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.

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