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Alberta

JCCF urges Government to amend Alberta’s Public Health act to protect freedoms

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From the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms (JCCF)

Legislative Proposals: Protecting citizens’ freedoms during a public health emergency

Without amendments to Alberta’s Public Health Act, Alberta’s Chief Medical Officer of Health (CMOH) is now in a position to exercise near-absolute power over the lives of millions of Albertans, for an indefinite period of time, if he or she determines that a public health emergency exists.  This dangerous situation has been exposed as the result of the Alberta Court of King’s Bench interpretation of the Public Health Act in Ingram v. Alberta (Chief Medical Officer of Health), 2020 ABQB 806 (CanLII).

Two aspects of the Public Health Act, as interpreted in the Ingram court ruling, are particularly troubling.

First, the Court ruled that elected representatives should have no effective oversight over health orders that violate the fundamental Charter freedoms of conscience, religion, expression, association and peaceful assembly.  Implicitly, the Court appears to have ruled that the CMOH may, without any oversight from legislators, also violate the Charter right to bodily autonomy and privacy by way of vaccine mandates, which impose second-class citizenship on those who decline to get injected.

Second, the Court in its lengthy Ingram ruling fails to mention, let alone analyze, the abundant evidence placed before it about the massive harms that lockdowns inflicted on citizens.  Without bothering to review the evidence of serious harms to the mental, physical, psychological, spiritual and financial well-being of vulnerable people, Justice Barbara Romaine simply states her general impression that the health orders that violated Charter freedoms had salutary benefits that outweighed their deleterious effects.  This is an abject failure of the Court to apply Section 1 of the Charter, which requires judges to insist that governments justify any violation of Charter rights and freedoms “demonstrably” with persuasive evidence.  

Justice Romaine did not properly apply the test laid down by the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Oakes, 1986 CanLII 46 (SCC), which includes a requirement that governments show that their violations of Charter rights and freedoms are actually doing more good than harm.

Declaring oneself to be the sole purveyor of “science” is contrary to science itself, because science is a process requiring humility, love for truth, inquiry, transparency and honest debate.  It should not take a court action to obtain the actual information that governments rely on to justify restrictions on Charter freedoms; this info should be available to the public in real time.

The way to protect Albertans from medical tyranny is to amend the Public Health Act and other legislation such that the CMOH will be required to respect the scientific process of inquiry and debate, by transparently providing the public with all relevant scientific information and by facilitating wholesome and necessary debate about the costs and the benefits of any lockdown measures that violate any of our fundamental Charter rights and freedoms.

During the time of lockdowns and vaccine passports, the Alberta Government disregarded the constitutional principle of democratic accountability.  Our constitution requires that prospective laws be debated, and come into force only after approval by a vote of elected representatives who are accountable to the people.  For the better part of three years, MLAs abandoned to a significant degree their constitutional authority to make laws.  MLAs refused to accept responsibility for the restrictions that drove many Albertans into unemployment, poverty, debt, bankruptcy, isolation, loneliness, depression and despair.  Instead, while still retaining and exercising ultimate authority over lockdown measures (a key point in the Ingram decision), Alberta’s cabinet empowered the CMOH to speak new laws into force at news conferences.  Accorded a level of deference akin to that enjoyed by medieval monarchs, the CMOH was not required to answer questions from elected representatives about the wisdom, the rationale or the consequences of ever-changing health orders.

To ensure that these egregious violations of civil liberties, human rights and constitutional freedoms do not occur in Alberta again, legislative reforms are in order.

Alberta’s Public Health Act should be amended to require that the CMOH disclose to the public at all times the specific assumptions, data, and sources for any modelling and for all health orders.  The declaration of a public health emergency should be subjected to a free vote of the legislature, taken only after a thorough debate.  The public health emergency should automatically expire 30 days after the vote, renewable for further 30-day periods only by subsequent votes, with each such vote taking place only after ample opportunity for public debate, both inside and outside of the Legislature.

The CMOH should be required by the Public Health Act to appear weekly before an all-party committee of MLAs, to answer questions and to provide information as may be requested, including all data, assumptions, studies and reports on which the CMOH is relying.  If restrictions on Charter freedoms are truly based on sound evidence, then those who propose or impose these restrictions have nothing to fear from transparency and accountability.

Alberta’s Public Health Act should require the government to subject public health regulations and orders to an ongoing and comprehensive cost-benefit analysis.  The government’s monthly reports should measure, explain and report on the specific impact of public health orders on mental health (alcoholism, drug overdoses, depression, spousal abuse, child abuse, suicide), on physical health (cancer, obesity, all-cause mortality) and on unemployment, bankruptcies, homelessness, and public debt.  The government should also be required by law to monitor closely the quality of care received by seniors in long-term care facilities, including their right to receive frequent in-person visits from loved ones.

The right of every individual to choose to receive or not receive medical treatments (including a vaccine) should be added to the Alberta Human Rights Act by adding “medical status” as a prohibited ground of discrimination.

In order to ensure that scientific debate and inquiry are fully respected, legislation should require the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Alberta to respect fully the right of all doctors to research, write and speak freely.  Doctors should not have to fear adverse consequences for expressing heterodox opinions about medical topics, or any other topics.  Further, the Colleges must respect the doctor-patient relationship by neither compelling doctors to prescribe treatments nor prohibiting doctors from prescribing treatments.  Doctors should not be conscripted into providing patients with a treatment regime that violates the doctor-patient relationship, including fully informed consent on the part of the patient. 

Alberta’s Public Health Act should also provide that, upon conclusion of a public health emergency, a public inquiry must take place to review the government’s emergency-related policies, regulations and health orders, to determine what harms and what benefits resulted.

In light of the failure of courts in Alberta to uphold and protect our Charter rights and freedoms during a public health emergency, these legislative reforms are sadly necessary to protect Albertans from suffering egregious violations of their Charter rights and freedoms in future.

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Alberta

Alberta’s move to ‘activity-based funding’ will improve health care despite naysayer claims

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From the Fraser Institute

By Nadeem Esmail

After the Smith government recently announced its shift to a new approach for funding hospitals, known as “activity-based funding” (ABF), defenders of the status quo in Alberta were quick to argue ABF will not improve health care in the province. Their claims are simply incorrect. In reality, based on the experiences of other better-performing universal health-care systems, ABF will help reduce wait times for Alberta patients and provide better value-for-money for taxpayers.

First, it’s important to understand Alberta is not breaking new ground with this approach. Other developed countries shifted to the ABF model starting in the early 1990s.

Indeed, after years of paying their hospitals a lump-sum annual budget for surgical care (like Alberta currently), other countries with universal health care recognized this form of payment encouraged hospitals to deliver fewer services by turning each patient into a cost to be minimized. The shift to ABF, which compensates hospitals for the actual services they provide, flips the script—hospitals in these countries now see patients as a source of revenue.

In fact, in many universal health-care countries, these reforms began so long ago that some are now on their second or even third generation of ABF, incorporating further innovations to encourage an even greater focus on quality.

For example, in Sweden in the early 1990s, counties that embraced ABF enjoyed a potential cost savings of 13 per cent over non-reforming counties that stuck with budgets. In Stockholm, one study measured an 11 per cent increase in hospital activity overall alongside a 1 per cent decrease in costs following the introduction of ABF. Moreover, according to the study, ABF did not reduce access for older patients or patients with more complex conditions. In England, the shift to ABF in the early to mid-2000s helped increase hospital activity and reduce the cost of care per patient, also without negatively affecting quality of care.

Multi-national studies on the shift to ABF have repeatedly shown increases in the volume of care provided, reduced costs per admission, and (perhaps most importantly for Albertans) shorter wait times. Studies have also shown ABF may lead to improved quality and access to advanced medical technology for patients.

Clearly, the naysayers who claim that ABF is some sort of new or untested reform, or that Albertans are heading down an unknown path with unmanageable and unexpected risks, are at the very least uninformed.

And what of those theoretical drawbacks?

Some critics claim that ABF may encourage faster discharges of patients to reduce costs. But they fail to note this theoretical drawback also exists under the current system where discharging higher-cost patients earlier can reduce the drain on hospital budgets. And crucially, other countries have implemented policies to prevent these types of theoretical drawbacks under ABF, which can inform Alberta’s approach from the start.

Critics also argue that competition between private clinics, or even between clinics and hospitals, is somehow a bad thing. But all of the developed world’s top performing universal health-care systems, with the best outcomes and shortest wait times, include a blend of both public and private care. No one has done it with the naysayers’ fixation on government provision.

And finally, some critics claim that, under ABF, private clinics will simply focus on less-complex procedures for less-complex patients to achieve greater profit, leaving public hospitals to perform more complex and thus costly surgeries. But in fact, private clinics alleviate pressure on the public system, allowing hospitals to dedicate their sophisticated resources to complex cases. To be sure, the government must ensure that complex procedures—no matter where they are performed—must always receive appropriate levels of funding and similarly that less-complex procedures are also appropriately funded. But again, the vast and lengthy experience with ABF in other universal health-care countries can help inform Alberta’s approach, which could then serve as an example for other provinces.

Alberta’s health-care system simply does not deliver for patients, with its painfully long wait times and poor access to physicians and services—despite its massive price tag. With its planned shift to activity-based funding, the province has embarked on a path to better health care, despite any false claims from the naysayers. Now it’s crucial for the Smith government to learn from the experiences of others and get this critical reform right.

Nadeem Esmail

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute
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Alberta

Charges laid in record cocaine seizure

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From ALERT – The Alberta Law Enforcement Response Team

Five suspects have now been charged in relation to a major cocaine seizure that took place in Edmonton last year. In April 2024 $3 million worth of cocaine and other drugs was seized.

ALERT Edmonton’s organized crime team, in consultation with Alberta Crown Prosecution Service, was able to arrest and lay charges against five suspects on April 21, 2025. The charges are wide-ranging and include participation in the activities of a criminal organization, conspiracy to traffic drugs, drug trafficking, and money laundering.

“Following last year’s drug seizure, our investigative team was able to conduct a thorough investigation and identify the suspects responsible. We now have significant charges put before the courts in the hopes of holding this organized crime group accountable,” said Insp. Angela Kemp, ALERT Edmonton.

The drug seizure was initially announced by ALERT on May 6, 2024. At 27 kilograms of cocaine, it was highlighted as the largest cocaine seizure by ALERT in Edmonton.

The seizure took place on April 30, 2024 when a search warrant was executed at a west Edmonton home in the Lewis Estates neighbourhood.

ALERT alleges that the suspects are part of an organized crime group that was involved in drug trafficking in the Edmonton region, and had also supplied drugs to Grande Prairie and Saskatchewan. ALERT received assistance on the investigation by the Edmonton Police Service and RCMP Federal Policing Northwest Region.

The following suspects were charged:

  • Jeffrey Vil, a 45-year-old from Edmonton, is charged with participation in activities of a criminal organization, commission of an offence for a criminal organization, conspiracy to traffic drugs, conspiracy to possess drugs for the purpose of trafficking, possession of drugs for the purpose of trafficking, laundering proceeds of crime, possession of proceeds of crime, and possession of a prohibited device.
  • Tommy Szeto, a 35-year-old from Edmonton, is charged with participation in activities of a criminal organization, commission of an offence for a criminal organization, conspiracy to traffic drugs, conspiracy to possess drugs for the purpose of trafficking, possession of drugs for the purpose of trafficking, and laundering proceeds of crime.
  • Tayler Fraser, a 27-year-old from Edmonton, is charged with is charged with participation in activities of a criminal organization, commission of an offence for a criminal organization, conspiracy to traffic drugs, and conspiracy to possess drugs for the purpose of trafficking.
  • Christian Barwise, a 35-year-old from Edmonton, is charged with drug trafficking.
  • Adrian De Guzman, a 27-year-old from Edmonton, is charged with drug trafficking.

The suspects were released from custody and are scheduled to appear in court on May 22, 2025.

Members of the public who suspect drug or gang activity in their community can call local police, or contact Crime Stoppers at 1-800-222-TIPS (8477). Crime Stoppers is always anonymous.

ALERT was established and is funded by the Alberta Government and is a compilation of the province’s most sophisticated law enforcement resources committed to tackling serious and organized crime.

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