Fraser Institute
Ignore climate-obsessed propagandists and enjoy your summer
From the Fraser Institute
Ah summer, a season we used to meet with joy. Outdoor parties, leisurely road trips, weekends at the beach, blazing barbecues by day, blazing bonfires by night. We used to sing paeans to the season—“Summertime, and the living is easy, fish are jumping and the cotton is high.”
But a strange thing has happened—the climate-obsessed folks have seized upon summer as a primary propaganda source and use it to demonize activities that might produce greenhouse gases. They don’t want your living to be easy. They want your coal or gas barbecues gone, your road trips gone, your air conditioning coolant weakened or gone, and so on. And every heatwave, every forest fire, every hint of drought, every reported case of heatstroke, and even observations of jumping catfish will be proof of a climate crisis where extreme weather will eventually kill us all.
But in a recent study, I found that the evidence of increases in extreme weather events in Canada and around the world is spotty and of limited quality, and often contradictory of the narrative.
First, what about wildfires? The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), in its latest climate report, only assigns “medium confidence” to the idea that climate change has actually caused increased “fire weather” in some regions on Earth.
Here at home, as average atmospheric temperatures have risen from 1970 to 2017, Canadian forest fires have actually declined sharply in number and show little obvious trend in areas burnt. As economist/professor Ross McKitrick observes: “Canadian forest fire data are available from the Wildland Fire Information System. Wildfires have been getting less frequent in Canada over the past 30 years. The annual number of fires grew from 1959 to 1990, peaking in 1989 at just over 12,000 that year, and has been trending down since. From 2017 to 2021 (the most recent interval available), there were about 5,500 fires per year, half the average from 1987 to 1991. The annual area burned also peaked 30 years ago. It grew from 1959 to 1990, peaking in 1989 at 7.6 million hectares before declining to the current average of 2.4 million hectares per year over 2017-21. And 2020 marked the lowest point on record with only 760,000 hectares burned.”
Well, but what about drought? According to an international research team, “In the vast majority of the world, trends in meteorological drought duration and magnitude are not statistically significant, with the exception of some small regions of Africa and South America, which is also where data uncertainty is greater.” The International Energy Agency (IEA) in a 2021 report suggests that drought severity in Canada from 2000 to 2020 was only slightly above the global average.
Well, but what about floods? The IPCC says floods have likely increased globally since 1950, but in Canada, at least, “there is a lack of detectable trends in observed annual maximum daily (or shorter duration) precipitation.”
So, summertime and the living is easy. Ignore the shrieks of the climate-obsessed about extreme weather coming for us all, and have some fun in the sun.
Author:
Business
Fiscal update reveals extent of federal government mismanagement
From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro
Following the sudden departure of Chrystia Freeland as finance minister, the Trudeau government released its 2024 fall fiscal update on Monday. Unsurprisingly, spending is up, the deficit has ballooned even higher, and the Trudeau government continues to utterly mismanage Canada’s finances.
Let’s get into the numbers.
For the current fiscal year (2024-25), the update estimates the federal government will spend $543.4 billion while taking in $495.2 billion in revenues. This means the government plans to run a $48.3 billion deficit—$8.5 billion higher than the $39.8 billion deficit that had originally been planned just eight months ago.
The Trudeau government’s incessant need to introduce new spending at every turn has driven this increase in borrowing. Indeed, discretionary spending on programs is now expected to be $6.1 billion higher than initially projected in this year’s budget tabled in April. Revenues have also taken a hit compared to projections from the spring, primarily from the federal government’s new GST holiday.
Not only will the government run a larger deficit this year, but future deficits are also expected to rise. Cumulative deficits from 2025-26 to 2028-29 are now expected to be $14.9 billion higher than projected in the spring budget.
There are costs associated with running deficits and accumulating debt, and Canadians ultimately bear these costs. Just like anyone who takes out a loan at a bank, government must pay interest on the money it borrows. In the case of the federal government, these interest costs will reach an estimated $53.7 billion in 2024-25 alone—more than all revenue collected via the federal GST. In other words, every dollar that Canadians are expected to pay in GST this year will go towards federal debt interest, as opposed to any services or programs. And as the federal government continues to borrow more, all else equal, these interest costs will continue to rise.
While the updated deficits for 2024-25 and beyond are still estimates, the 2024 FES presents what’s likely the final deficit number for the 2023-24 fiscal year. In a remarkable display of fiscal mismanagement, the Trudeau government ran a $61.9 billion deficit last year—$21.9 billion higher than the $40.0 billion deficit projected in the budget.
This means the federal government has broken one of its fiscal rules (a.k.a. guardrails) that help guide policy on spending, taxes and borrowing. One year ago, the Trudeau government established three fiscal rules—including to keep the 2023-24 deficit at or below $40.1 billion. These rules were reaffirmed in the spring budget, and have been a key feature of the Trudeau government’s so-called “responsible economic plan.”
However, there’s nothing responsible about establishing a rule only to break it a year later. Unfortunately, the Trudeau government has made a habit breaking its self-imposed rules. In 2015, the government established its first fiscal rule—balancing the budget by fiscal year 2019-20. But it quickly abandoned this rule in subsequent months and proposed an alternative rule—to reduce federal debt relative to the size of the economy (GDP). But again, this rule became an afterthought, as federal debt increased relative to GDP in 2019-20 and continued to sharply increase during the pandemic and has yet to return to anywhere near pre-COVID levels.
As has happened consistently in the past decade, this year’s fall update reveals that spending and deficits are up compared to the budget plan the government presented just months ago. The Trudeau government is utterly mismanaging the Canada’s finances, which has caused turmoil inside the government while Canadians bear the consequences.
Business
Massive growth in federal workforce contributes to Ottawa’s red ink
From the Fraser Institute
By Ben Eisen
At the same time the Trudeau government opened Canada’s borders to historic numbers of immigrants leading to an explosion in population, the federal workforce was growing even faster.. much faster.
Here’s a fact that all Canadians should understand. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has overseen the seven highest years of federal government spending in Canadian history (on a per-person basis, after adjusting for inflation).
The federal government’s high spending levels have produced a long string of budget deficits and growing mountain of debt. Federal net debt has approximately doubled in nominal terms since 2014/15 (one year before Trudeau took office), rising from $17,800 per person to $34,000 this year.
What’s driving all of this?
There are many factors, including the growth in the number of federal government employees. Our new study published by the Fraser Institute (based on data from the Parliamentary Budget Officer) found that after years of shrinking, the size of the federal government workforce began to grow in the mid-2010s. In fact, it began to grow significantly faster than the Canadian population.
To measure the growth, we used the federal government’s Full Time Equivalents (FTEs), which captures the expected work hours of a fulltime employee and allows for comparisons over time. In 2014/15, there were 340,669 FTE workers working directly for the federal government. By 2022/23 (the latest fiscal year of comparable data), this number had grown to 431,537 or by 26.1 per cent. By comparison, the Canadian population grew 9.1 per cent during this period—still a substantial growth rate, but far slower than the rate of growth of the federal workforce.
So how much has the rapid growth in federal government jobs cost taxpayers?
In our study, we consider what would have happened had the Trudeau government simply held the rate of growth in federal employment to the rate of population growth. Under this scenario, the federal government’s workforce today would be 57,170 fewer FTE workers than is in fact the case. Given that the average per-FTE cost of federal employment in 2022/23 was $130,583 (which includes salaries and other costs), the savings would have been substantial. Specifically, taxpayers would have saved $7.5 billion in 2022/23 alone. And if this money had not been spent, the federal deficit would have been 21.2 per cent smaller that year.
At all times, but particularly during a period of large deficits, the federal government should scrutinize all areas of spending including government employment. Personnel costs represent approximately half of the federal government’s operating costs, so it’s no surprise that growing employment costs have heavily contributed to Ottawa’s recent string of deficits.
According to the Trudeau government’s latest budget, Ottawa will run deficits for the foreseeable future and in 2029 net federal debt will reach $1.5 trillion. Unless the government reverses its spending trends, the cost of increased government employment will continue to strain federal finances in the years ahead, with taxpayers paying the bill.’
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