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Energy

First Nations Buy Into Pipelines

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9 minute read

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Brian Zinchuk

“Meaningful Indigenous participation in our resource economy is maturing. At first, First Nations used to ask for compensation, the jobs, and then for the contracts that created those jobs, Now they seek purchase equity in the project itself. Soon they will create the project and seek others to invest in it. Then they will have real economic power.”

It’s taken years to get here, but there’s a new trend in Canada’s pipeline industry, and it couldn’t come soon enough. That’s because the path we’ve been on until now has been one to ruin.

On July 30, TC Energy announced it was in the process of selling 5.34 per cent of its Nova Gas Transmission Ltd. (NGTL) System and the Foothills Pipeline assets for a gross purchase price of $1 billion. “The Agreement is backed by the Alberta Indigenous Opportunities Corporation (AIOC) and was negotiated by a consortium committee (Consortium) representing specific Indigenous Communities (Communities) across Alberta, British Columbia and Saskatchewan. This results in an implied enterprise value of approximately $1.65 billion, inclusive of the proportionate share of the Partnership Assets’ collective debt,” TC Energy said.

This comes a few months after its March 14 announcement to sell “all outstanding shares in Prince Rupert Gas Transmission Holdings Ltd. and the limited partnership interests in Prince Rupert Gas Transmission Limited Partnership (collectively, PRGT). PRGT is a wholly owned subsidiary of TC Energy and the developer of a natural gas pipeline project in British Columbia and potential delivery corridor that would further unlock Canada as a secure, affordable and sustainable source of LNG.”

The Nova system sale is significant. It’s the principal natural gas gathering system throughout Alberta and a bit into B.C. In addition to supplying Alberta with its gas needs, Nova, in turn, feeds the TC Energy Mainline. It also supplies Saskatchewan via Many Islands Pipe Lines and TransGas, both subsidiaries of SaskEnergy. And since Saskatchewan’s domestic gas production keeps falling, we now rely heavily on Alberta gas to keep our furnaces lit and our new gas fired power plants turning, keeping the lights on. When you look at the Nova map, it’s basically the map of Alberta.

Some of the most significant difficulties in getting major pipeline projects built in this country over the last 16 years has been Indigenous opposition. One of the first stories I wrote about with Pipeline News during the summer of 2008 was a First Nations protest on the Enbridge right of way at Kerrobert, complete with a teepee. That was for the Alberta Clipper project, but it was relatively quickly resolved.

Then there was Enbridge’s Northern Gateway project, which was approved by the Conservative federal government but halted by the courts because of insufficient Indigenous consultation. It was ultimately killed very early into the Trudeau-led Liberal administration, when he said, “The Great Bear Rainforest was no place for a pipeline, a crude pipeline.”

Northern Gateway would have terminated at Kitimat. Yet, curiously enough, that same forest had to be crossed to built the TC Energy Coastal GasLink project. It went grossly overbudget in no small part due to delays and resistance in every manner possible from the Wet’suweten in northern B.C. As Canadian Press reported on Dec. 11, 2023, “By the time the pipeline was finished, its estimated construction cost had ballooned from $6.6 billion to $14.5 billion.”

And then there was Trans Mountain Expansion. It had opposition from the BC government, City of Burnaby, and everyone who could apply a Sharpie marker to a Bristol board. But Indigenous opposition was a major factor. As Pipeline Online reported via the Canadian Press, “The project’s $34-billion price tag has ballooned from a 2017 estimate of $7.4 billion, with Trans Mountain Corp. blaming the increase on “extraordinary” factors including evolving compliance requirements, Indigenous accommodations, stakeholder engagement, extreme weather and the COVID-19 pandemic.”

By this spring, the number was $34 billion, and I anticipate its final cost will be higher still.

Maturing

There’s been a big change in recent years, not just in pipelines, but in other energy industries like wind and solar. That change had gone from consultation to jobs to equity investment.

The word used almost always is “reconciliation.” That can be a loaded word in many ways, Some feel it will heal wounds, and right past wrongs, or at least try to. Others would say it’s a form of extortion. And some take issue with racial overtones. But here’s something I heard this week that makes a lot of sense:

“Meaningful Indigenous participation in our resource economy is maturing. At first, First Nations used to ask for compensation, the jobs, and then for the contracts that created those jobs, Now they seek purchase equity in the project itself. Soon they will create the project and seek others to invest in it. Then they will have real economic power.”

That’s what Steve Halabura, professional geologist, told me. And he would know, since he’s been working with First Nations on this economic development front.

And you see that in the timeline I laid out. The 2008 protests were very much about compensation and jobs. Trans Mountain Expansion saw significant First Nations’ owned and operated firms awarded contracts. And now, they’re buying equity positions.

You know what? If First Nations bands, and people, do indeed become owners in these resource companies and infrastructure, if it helps pay for housing and water treatment plants, if it means meaningful work and paycheques, are they likely to fight the next project tooth and nail? Or will they want to be a part of it?

And think of it this way – if we could have gotten to this point ten years ago, maybe these projects might have gone much more smoothly. Maybe their final costs wouldn’t have been double, or quadruple, the original budget. When you think of it in that perspective – if a billion dollar equity stake meant Coastal GasLink could have cost $5 billion less, would it have been worth it to bring First Nations in as equity partners?

Some will say that’s extortion. Others would say it’s justice, or reconciliation. But maybe, just maybe, this is how we move forward, and everyone in the end wins. And maybe then Canada can, once again, build great things.

Brian Zinchuk is editor and owner of Pipeline Online and occasional contributor to the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He can be reached at [email protected].

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Canadian Energy Centre

Unleashing Canada’s competitive advantage in energy and natural resources

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From the Canadian Energy Centre

By Cody Ciona

Q&A with Bryan Detchou, senior director of natural resources, environment and sustainability with the Canadian Chamber of Commerce

Canada’s energy sector is one of the country’s greatest strengths, says an emerging leader with the Canadian Chamber of Commerce.

Bryan Detchou is the Chamber’s senior director of natural resources, environment and sustainability.

A former government relations consultant and staffer on Parliament Hill, in 2023 The Peak recognized Detchou as one of Canada’s young leaders shaping the country’s economy, culture and society.

The Chamber boasts a membership of over 200,000 businesses, including many energy-related companies. Detchou helps advocate for achieving the sector’s untapped potential.

Here’s what he shared with the Canadian Energy Centre:

CEC: Why does the Canadian Chamber of Commerce support Canada’s oil and natural gas sector? 

BD: The mandate of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce is to support and be the leading voice for all businesses across the Canadian economy.

You cannot discuss the Canadian economy without recognizing the essential role of the oil and gas sector.

CEC: What role should Canada’s energy sector play in the 21st century Canadian and world economies? 

BD: We believe that Canada’s energy and natural resources sectors are sources of pride and deserve strong support. These sectors hold the potential for Canada to exceed expectations on the global stage, positioning us as a key player in solving many of the world’s pressing challenges.

The conflict in Ukraine has exposed vulnerabilities in European and global energy security, underscoring the critical role Canada can play in addressing these issues. It is not only Canada’s responsibility to its citizens but also its duty to the global community to be a strong and reliable energy partner.

However, our failure to act decisively on energy security weakens our position and undermines our ability to contribute meaningfully to the reduction of global emissions.

CEC: How can Canadian energy businesses take a leadership position in emissions reduction? 

BD: The majority of emissions reductions are being driven by the private sector, and we’re already seeing significant investments from various organizations. However, the challenge lies in the substantial capital required for these initiatives.

Before making major investment decisions, companies need a level of certainty and predictability in the markets they operate in—this is where the government can play a stronger role.

Regulatory hurdles, such as amendments to the Impact Assessment Act and the slow deployment of Investment Tax Credits, continue to create uncertainty.

We must understand that this is a global race. Canada is not the only country working to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and attract the necessary investment.

It is our responsibility to identify and leverage our competitive advantages. There is still much Canada can do to ensure its regulatory framework is conducive to attracting investment and driving environmental progress.

CEC: How is the federal greenwashing Bill C-59 impacting Canadian energy companies? 

BD: From the outset, we have been fully engaged in addressing the challenges posed by this new legislation, starting with our involvement when the amendment was first introduced in the House of Commons committee in late May.

We testified before the Senate in early June, voicing the concerns of the industry, and have remained actively engaged ever since.

We unequivocally support the goal of ensuring that no Canadian company engages in deceptive marketing, whether in terms of product claims or the communication of their environmental commitments, particularly those aimed at combating climate change. Transparency and accountability are fundamental.

However, the law’s vague language and the absence of a clearly defined methodology have unfortunately created uncertainty across all sectors of the Canadian economy. This uncertainty hinders the ability of businesses to openly and confidently contribute to Canada’s ambitious climate goals.

Rather than driving environmental progress, the new law has inadvertently undermined the significant efforts already made by Canadian corporations, and by extension, the Canadian government. It has become a barrier to both innovation and meaningful environmental action.

The time has come for the government to revisit this legislation. The government should do now what it should have done in May and work collaboratively with industry stakeholders to develop a made-in-Canada regime that ensures corporate accountability and transparency while fostering, not stifling, innovation and environmental ambition.

Only by doing this can we achieve the climate objectives that Canada is striving for.

CEC: What does the Chamber believe are the best steps forward for Canada’s energy sector? 

BD: The best way forward for Canada’s energy sector involves recognizing and leveraging our natural resources as one of the country’s greatest strengths, rather than a weakness. In the face of global challenges Canada’s energy sector must evolve to address these pressing issues.

We advocate for a balanced approach that includes diversifying the energy portfolio with investments in renewable technologies and innovations like carbon capture and storage and hydrogen, ensuring a clear and efficient regulatory framework to attract investment, and strengthening Indigenous partnerships to foster shared prosperity.

Promoting sustainable resource development to meet net-zero targets, expanding global market opportunities, and enhancing collaboration between government and industry are crucial.

By embracing our energy sector as a key asset, Canada can enhance its role on the global stage, support our allies, and combat climate change effectively. Unleashing the full potential of Canada’s natural resources is essential for securing energy security, achieving economic growth and driving long-term prosperity.

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Alberta

Any Downturn in Alberta’s Economy Would Inevitably Drag Canada’s Down With It

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Troy Media

Is anyone paying attention?

Canada is heading straight for an economic iceberg, and the rest of the country doesn’t seem to grasp the gravity of the situation. Alberta – long the engine of Canada’s prosperity thanks to its oil and gas sector – is facing a serious decline because the Trudeau government is obsessed with its net-zero policies. And if Alberta falters, the ripple effects will drag down the entire nation. But are we too preoccupied with federal climate targets to recognize the risks staring us in the face?

The Trudeau government’s push for net-zero emissions by 2050 may look noble on paper, but the real-world cost could be catastrophic. The numbers don’t lie: according to a recent column by Troy Media contributor Lennie Kaplan, Alberta’s oil production could drop by a staggering 54 percent by 2050. That’s not just a provincial problem; it’s a national economic emergency waiting to happen.

Let’s cut through the jargon. Alberta makes up about 15 percent of Canada’s GDP. If Alberta’s economy shrinks by $32 billion – as projected – it would trigger a 1.2 percent drop in Canada’s GDP. For context, that’s a multi-billion-dollar hole in a country whose economy is, itself, already in severe decline.

Does Ottawa think a shrinking economy will put us in a stronger position to innovate and grow? Or are they content with turning Alberta into a sacrificial lamb on the altar of climate policy, ignoring the fact that this will make Canada less competitive on the world stage?

Then there’s the job market. Alberta’s energy sector employs thousands and indirectly supports tens of thousands more across Canada. By 2050, again according to Kaplan, Alberta could shed 198,000 jobs – five percent of its workforce. These aren’t just oil rig workers; they’re engineers, construction crews, transport workers, and more.

It gets worse. When Alberta’s economy shrinks, industries from coast to coast that depend on Alberta’s vitality will also take a hit. If even 10 to 15 percent of those job losses trickle across the country, we’re looking at another 20,000 to 30,000 Canadians joining the unemployment line. Yet, where is the urgency to address this looming crisis?

Alberta isn’t just a provincial powerhouse – it’s also a major contributor to federal revenues. Between 2025 and 2050, the province’s contributions could drop by $221 billion due to declining oil and gas revenues. That’s less money for healthcare, infrastructure, and social programs from coast to coast.

For a federal government that already struggles to balance its books, the loss of up to $40 billion in federal tax contributions from Alberta is a fiscal disaster in the making. Where do they expect to make up that shortfall? Higher taxes? Slashed services? Or maybe another round of federal borrowing to kick the can down the road?

Alberta’s oil and gas isn’t just a provincial asset – it’s a critical part of Canada’s trade balance. In 2022, energy exports made up 20 percent of Canada’s total exports. Cut that by more than half, and you’re gutting Canada’s international trade position.

A $70 to 80 billion hit to export revenue could balloon the country’s trade deficit, further devaluing the Canadian dollar and making imports more expensive. In short, this isn’t just bad news for Alberta – it’s an economic calamity that could send shockwaves through every corner of the country.

And let’s not forget the federal equalization program. Alberta has long been a “have” province, contributing far more than it gets back. But if Alberta’s economy falters, it could soon be knocking on Ottawa’s door for handouts.

Imagine the political firestorm if Alberta becomes a “have-not” province, competing for federal support with the very provinces that have relied on its success. The strain on equalization could pit regions against each other, creating a toxic political environment when unity is more crucial than ever.

Does Ottawa even care?

Alberta’s decline isn’t just Alberta’s problem. It’s a Canadian problem. The Trudeau government’s climate obsession needs to take this into account. We cannot afford to sacrifice Alberta’s economic engine without dragging the rest of the country down with it.

What’s the plan to balance climate goals with economic reality? So far, there’s been little more than vague promises and short-term thinking. If Ottawa doesn’t wake up to the real-world consequences of Alberta’s decline, we’re all in for a harsh economic reckoning.

It’s time for our leaders to prioritize pragmatic solutions over virtue signalling. Because if Alberta goes down, the rest of Canada won’t be far behind.

First published here.

Troy Media is an editorial content provider to media outlets and its own hosted community news outlets across Canada.

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