Economy
Doug Ford – the Net Zero Premier
By Dan McTeague
Doug Ford came into power promising a change from the Kathleen Wynne Green Energy Act fiasco – the one which saddled Ontario taxpayers with costly green energy contracts, driving up the price of power. Ford promised to scrap those wasteful contracts, lower hydro rates, and restore affordability to Ontario. But as we take stock of his energy policies today, it seems Ford is steering Ontario down a path that feels a bit too familiar.
For all his talk about energy affordability, Ford continues to pander to the environmentalist “Net Zero” ideology that got Ontario into this mess in the first place. The idea is that somehow Canada will be a net zero emitter of greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. We have seen this play out at the Federal level, with the Trudeau Liberals implementing a host of reckless and punitive policies in the vain hopes of achieving this preposterous goal. You can thank Net Zero for Carbon Taxes, Emissions Caps, the Clean Fuel Standard, Electric Vehicle Mandates and on and on.
Instead of backing away and distancing himself from this scam, Doug Ford has embraced and doubled down on it. Recall that during a provincial leaders debate in June 2022, Ford stated that he will not be happy until Ontario achieves a 100% zero-carbon electricity grid, buying into the Net Zero electrification nonsense that the Trudeau government is pushing. This would mean moving away from fossil fuels like affordable and reliable natural gas as energy sources in Ontario.
Stephen Lecce, Ford’s minister of the recently renamed Ministry of Energy and Electrification, is full steam ahead on this project. And the ministry’s new name is significant, pointing towards an “energy transition” for Ontario, such that eventually everything – cars, home heating, etc. – will be run on electricity rather than traditional fuels.
Currently, about 20 per cent of Ontario’s energy needs are met by electricity, so where will this electricity come from, without fossil fuels? At a recent Empire Club event, Ford gave a fireside chat where he discussed Ontario’s electricity plan (you can hear the interview here). He spoke about the energy sector and his commitment to all low carbon options for Ontario’s electricity grid, including wind and solar. This marks a reversal of his earlier skepticism about these technologies. The irony is that Ontario taxpayers are still paying for the expensive legacy of earlier wind and solar government spending. Wasting more taxpayer dollars will mean more of the following: higher energy costs, decreased grid reliability, and growing public debt.
As energy expert Parker Gallant has pointed out, the costs of wind power alone have been staggering, with taxpayers footing the bill for inefficient projects that deliver intermittent power. Doubling down on these same strategies, even under a different name, does little to address affordability or reliability.
Ford has hitched his horse fully to the Net Zero wagon. According to his government’s policy document Planning for electrification and the energy transition: “Much of the world – including many of Ontario’s major trading partners – have committed to achieving economy-wide carbon neutrality by 2050.” Consequently, it recommends that Ontario adopt similar Net Zero strategies, as doing so allegedly contributes “to the global climate solution and thereby sets the province up to succeed and prosper in the emerging global clean energy economy.”
These claims didn’t make sense when they were made five years ago and they make even less sense today. Afterall, Ontario’s largest trading partner to the South has just elected Donald Trump whose policy approach to energy can be summarized by the phrase, “Drill Baby Drill.” We can expect that one of Trump’s first acts as president will be to (once again) exit the Paris Agreement. Trump has no intention of drinking the Net Zero KoolAid, though he will no doubt be happy to have America’s competitors like Canada burden themselves with unnecessary environmental commitments and regulations, which will drive up the cost of doing business and make “made in America” a much more attractive brand. Competitiveness and affordability in Canada can go out the window as manufacturers and businesses will start looking South as the more attractive business environment.
While Trump seeks to unleash the United States’ energy potential, Ford will only stifle Ontario’s. Which is to say, Ford is setting Ontario up for failure. Now that is a real net zero.
Dan McTeague is President of Canadians for Affordable Energy.
Business
Nearly One-Quarter of Consumer-Goods Firms Preparing to Exit Canada, Industry CEO Warns Parliament
Standing Committee on Industry and Technology hears stark testimony that rising costs and stalled investment are pushing companies out of the Canadian market.
There’s a number that should stop this country cold: twenty-three percent. That is the share of companies in one of Canada’s essential manufacturing and consumer-goods sectors now preparing to withdraw products from the Canadian market or exit entirely within the next two years. And this wasn’t whispered at a business luncheon or buried in a consultancy memo. It was delivered straight to Parliament, at the House of Commons Standing Committee on Industry and Technology, during its study on Canada’s underlying productivity gaps and capital outflow.
Michael Graydon, the CEO of Food, Health & Consumer Products of Canada, didn’t hedge or soften the message. He told MPs, “23% of our members expect to exit products from the Canadian marketplace within the next two years, because the cost of doing business here has just become unsustainable.”
Unsustainable. That’s the word he used. And when the people who actually make things in this country start using that word, you should pay attention. These aren’t fringe players or hypothetical startups. These are firms that supply the goods Canadians buy every single day, and they’re looking at their balance sheets, their regulatory burdens, the delays in getting anything approved or built, and concluding that Canada simply doesn’t work for them anymore.
What makes this more troubling is the timing. Canada’s investment levels have been falling for years, even as the United States and other competitors race ahead. Businesses aren’t reinvesting in machinery or technology at the rate they once did. They’re not modernizing their operations here. They’re putting expansion plans on hold or shifting them to jurisdictions that move faster, cost less and offer clearer rules. That’s not ideology; it’s arithmetic. If it costs more to operate here, if it takes longer to get a permit, and if supply chains back up because ports and rail lines are jammed, investors will choose the place that doesn’t make growth a bureaucratic mountain climb.
Graydon raised another point that ought to concern anyone who cares about domestic production. Canada’s agrifood sector recorded a sixty-billion-dollar trade surplus last year, one of the brightest spots in the national economy, but according to him that potential is being “diluted by fragmented interprovincial trade and logistics bottlenecks.” The ports, the rail corridors, the entire transport network—choke points everywhere. And you can’t build a productive economy on choke points. Companies can’t scale, can’t guarantee delivery, can’t justify the costs. So they leave.
This twenty-three percent figure is the clearest evidence yet that the problem isn’t theoretical. It’s not something for think-tank panels or academic papers. It is happening at the level that matters most: the decision whether to continue doing business in Canada or move operations somewhere more predictable. And once those decisions are made, they’re very hard to reverse. Capital doesn’t boomerang back out of patriotism. It goes where it can earn a return.
For years, Canadian policymakers have talked about productivity as if it were a moral failing of workers or a mystical national characteristic. It’s neither. Productivity comes from investment—real money poured into equipment, technology, training and expansion. When investment stalls, productivity collapses. And when a quarter of firms in a major sector are already planning their exit, you are not looking at a temporary dip. You are looking at a structural rejection of the business environment itself.
The fact that executives are now openly warning Parliament that they cannot afford to stay is a moment of clarity. It is also a test. Either this country becomes a place where people can build things again—quickly, affordably, competitively—or it continues down the path that leads to empty factories, hollowed-out supply chains and consumers who wonder why the shelves look thinner every year.
Twenty-three percent is not just a statistic. It’s the sound of a warning bell ringing at full volume. The only question now is whether anyone in charge hears it.
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Business
Climate Climbdown: Sacrificing the Canadian Economy for Net-Zero Goals Others Are Abandoning
By Gwyn Morgan
Canada has spent the past decade pursuing climate policies that promised environmental transformation but delivered economic decline. Ottawa’s fixation on net-zero targets – first under Justin Trudeau and now under Prime Minister Mark Carney – has meant staggering public expenditures, resource project cancellations and rising energy costs, all while failing to
reduce the country’s dependence on fossil fuels. Now, as key international actors reassess the net-zero doctrine, Canada stands increasingly alone in imposing heavy burdens for negligible gains.
The Trudeau government launched its agenda in 2015 by signing the Paris Climate Agreement aimed at limiting the forecast increase in global average temperature to 1.5°C by the end of the century. It followed the next year with the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change that imposed more than 50 measures on the economy, key among them a
carbon “pricing” regime – Liberal-speak for taxes on every Canadian citizen and industry. Then came the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan, committing Canada to cut greenhouse gas emissions to 40 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, and to achieve net-zero by 2050. And then the “On-Farm Climate Action Fund,” the “Green and Inclusive Community Buildings Program” and the “Green Municipal Fund.”
It’s a staggering list of nation-impoverishing subsidies, taxes and restrictions, made worse by regulatory measures that hammered the energy industry. The Trudeau government cancelled the fully-permitted Northern Gateway pipeline, killing more than $1 billion in private investment and stranding hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of crude oil in the ground. The
Energy East project collapsed after Ottawa declined to challenge Quebec’s political obstruction, cutting off a route that could have supplied Atlantic refineries and European markets. Natural gas developers fared no better: 11 of 12 proposed liquefied natural gas export terminals were abandoned amid federal regulatory delays and policy uncertainty. Only a single LNG project in Kitimat, B.C., survived.
None of this has had the desired effect. Between Trudeau’s election in 2015 and 2023, fossil fuels’ share of Canada’s energy supply actually increased from 75 to 77 percent. As for saving the world, or even making some contribution towards doing so, Canada contributes just 1.5 percent of global GHG emissions. If our emissions went to zero tomorrow, the emissions
growth from China and India would make that up in just a few weeks.
And this green fixation has been massively expensive. Two newly released studies by the Fraser Institute found that Ottawa and the four biggest provinces have either spent or foregone a mind-numbing $158 billion to create just 68,000 “clean” jobs – an eye-watering cost of over $2.3 million per job “created”. At that, the green economy’s share of GDP crept up only 0.3
percentage points.
The rest of the world is waking up to this folly. A decade after the Paris Agreement, over 81 percent of the world’s energy still comes from fossil fuels. Environmental statistician and author Bjorn Lomborg points out that achieving global net-zero by 2050 would require removing the equivalent of the combined emissions of China and the United States in each of the next five
years. “This puts us in the realm of science fiction,” he wrote recently.
In July, the U.S. Department of Energy released a major assessment assembled by a team of highly credible climate scientists which asserted that “CO 2 -induced warming appears to be less damaging economically than commonly believed,” and that aggressive mitigation policies might be “more detrimental than beneficial.” The report found no evidence of rising frequency or severity of hurricanes, floods, droughts or tornadoes in U.S. historical data, while noting that U.S. emissions reductions would have “undetectably small impacts” on global temperatures in any case.
U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright welcomed the findings, noting that improving living standards depends on reliable, affordable energy. The same day, the Environmental Protection Agency proposed rescinding the 2009 “endangerment finding” that had designated CO₂ and other GHGs as “pollutants.” It had led to sweeping restrictions on oil and gas development and fuelled policies that the current administration estimates cost the U.S. economy at least US$1 trillion in lost growth.
Even long-time climate alarmists are backtracking. Ted Nordhaus, a prominent American critic, recently acknowledged that the dire global warming scenarios used by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change rely on implausible combinations of rapid population growth, strong economic expansion and stagnant technology. Economic growth typically reduces population increases and accelerates technological improvement, he pointed out, meaning emissions trends will likely be lower than predicted. Even Bill Gates has tempered his outlook, writing that climate change will not be “cataclysmic,” and that although it will hurt the poor, “it will not be the only or even the biggest threat to their lives and welfare.” Poverty and disease pose far greater threats and resources, he wrote, should be focused where they can do the most good now.
Yet Ottawa remains unmoved. Prime Minister Carney’s latest budget raises industrial carbon taxes to as much as $170 per tonne by 2030, increasing the competitive disadvantage of Canadian industries in a time of weak productivity and declining investment. These taxes will not measurably alter global emissions, but they will deepen Canada’s economic malaise and
push production – and emissions – toward jurisdictions with more lax standards. As others retreat from net-zero delusions, Canada moves further offside global energy policy trends – extending our country’s sad decline.
The original, full-length version of this article was recently published in C2C Journal.
Gwyn Morgan is a retired business leader who has been a director of five global corporations.
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