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Doug Ford is calling an election to save his political skin and Justin Trudeau’s government

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9 minute read

Krayden's Right with David Krayden

Ford is the ultimate Red Tory, a faux conservative and faithful apologist for Trudeau

Ontario Premier Doug Ford has just called an election for two reasons: to keep himself in power and to keep the Liberal Party in charge of the Canadian government. Ford has been in the pocket of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for so many years. He has been his constant political companion, especially during the Covid pandemic when Ford stood rigidly by Trudeau over lockdowns and mandates. When Trudeau invoked the Emergencies Act to flatten the Freedom Convoy, Ford was there all the time, not just approving of Trudeau’s decision but becoming an active cheerleader for the Liberal government.

Ford has done little to nothing for Pierre Poilievre and the Conservative Party of Canada because he’s not a Conservative or a small-c conservative. Ford is a “Progressive Conservative” or Red Tory who is indistinguishable from a Liberal. His party’s name is an oxymoron but Ford is just a moron who pretends to lead something called the Ford Nation, feigning some degree of populism, while all the while serving the same elites that Trudeau is in bed with.

Ford has done his utmost to convice us that the Liberals have a border security plan. They do not. Spending $1.3 billion on the border OVER SIX YEARS is not a plan, it’s a poor excuse for policly. And just look at how the Trudeau government preserves these woke programs even as it kicks the can of border security way down the road. But Ford, who seemed to be pretending that he had actually seen this “plan” tried to suggest that the Liberals had the situation well in hand.

“Minister [Dominic] LeBlanc laid out the plan. It’s a fabulous plan. Let’s get out there and tell the people of Canada they’ve worked hard on it. So what I said this morning after seeing the plan, it’s a solid plan, and it’s going to work,” he said, noting that Public Safety Minister David McGuinty was coordinating everything with all the relevant agencies and police forces.

“It’s a collective, collaborative group that are going to secure our borders. But the numbers that I have seen, it’s impressive, and the plan is impressive as well. Specifics about what this plan involves, I’ll leave that up to the federal government. I’ll leave, leave that up to Minister McGuinty to get out there and put the plan in front of the Canadian people. But it’s a solid plan,” Ford rambled on, adding that he had never even met McGuinty and “I wouldn’t know him if he walked through the door right now.”

The current tariff crisis with US President Donald Trump is all about Canada not securing its border and not doing anything to change that posture. Ford has been Trudeau’s echo since Trump first threatened to slap on the tariff, joined at the hip with him, supporting his Team Canada charade that is really Team Trudeau and welcoming a trade war with Trump. The Liberals, whether they go into the next election with Trudeau at the helm or not, don’t want to run against Poilievre and the Conservatives because they are 20 to 30 points behind in the polls. They want the next federal election to be against Trump because the only hope the Liberals have of winning is to pretend to be the party of Canada.

This works well for Ford as well. He can parade around as the politician who puts his country above self but that is precisely what he is not doing. Ford wants a provincial election now because there is some profoundly bad news in the offing for Ford and his corrupt government. Trudeau has co-opted Ford on his electric vehicle agenda that has squandered $52.5 billion in taxpayer money and ensured that the premier stood by his side every time he was announcing another EV manufacturing plant in the Ontario. The future of EVs looked pretty certain six months ago when the Green New Deal was ascendant in the US and it looked like the gas-powered vehicle was slated for the planned obsolescence of stupid government decrees and environmental extremism.

The Liberals, whether they go into the next election with Trudeau at the helm or not, don’t want to run against Poilievre and the Conservatives because they are 20 to 30 points behind in the polls. They want the next federal election to be against Trump because the only hope the Liberals have of winning is to pretend to be the party of Canada.

Not so today. Trump has changed all of that with the stroke of a pen, ending all EV mandates and removing any future sanctions of the internal combustion engine in an executive order. EVs are essentially finished for now and no one is buying them. There is no market for the cars being assembled in Windsor and St. Thomas. These plants are destined for failure. That’s why Ford has to move now, before the closures begin and before the unemployment begins. Ontario will also be facing an economic catastrophe from Trump’s 25 percent tariff and all of Ford’s bluster and BS will have done nothing to prevent it. If Ford does not seek reelection now, his chances of winning another mandate will be extremely low.

What really has Ford panicked is Trump’s talk about not needing to buy any cars made in Canada. That sounds like the dissolution of the Auto Pact that has been a mainstay of the Ontario economy for 60 years.

But of course, he is also helping Trudeau to avoid an early election and the Liberals could well campaign in the summer or fall as the anti-Trump party. The Conservatives could be almost irrelevant by that time if they can’t differentiate themselves from the Liberals and demand that voters go to the polls to elect a legitimate government that can negotiate with the US instead of remaining with a snide, insouciant prime minister who continues to ignore the border security that the Trump has insisted we deliver on while continuing to fire insults his way.

Currently, the only Canadian politician who is really working for Canada is Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, who is actively negotiating with Trump. Unfortunately, Trump apparently doesn’t even know that Poilievre exists and is continues to talk about hockey great Wayne Gretzky becoming the next prime minister. Poilievre needs to correct this misunderstanding immediately, start traveling with Smith to Washington if necessary. But he has to become a part of the process and stop letting Trudeau and Ford blather on about retaliatory tariffs and the punishment they think they are going to administer to the US.

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Business

The Real Reason Canada’s Health Care System Is Failing

Published on

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Conrad Eder

Conrad Eder supports universal health care, but not Canada’s broken version. Despite massive spending, Canadians face brutal wait times. He argues it’s time to allow private options, as other countries do, without abandoning universality.

It’s not about money. It’s about the rules shaping how Canada’s health care system works

Canada’s health care system isn’t failing because it lacks funding or public support. It’s failing because governments have tied it to restrictive rules that block private medical options used in other developed countries to deliver timely care.

Canada spends close to $400 billion a year on health care, placing it among the highest-spending countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Yet the system continues to struggle with some of the longest waits for care, the fewest doctors per capita and among the lowest numbers of hospital beds in the OECD. This is despite decades of spending increases, including growth of 4.5 per cent in 2023 and 5.7 per cent in 2024, according to estimates from the Canadian Institute for Health Information.

Canadians are losing confidence that government spending is the solution. In fact, many don’t even think it’s making a difference.

And who could blame them? Median health care wait times reached 30 weeks in 2024, up from 27.7 weeks in 2023, which was up from 27.4 weeks in 2022, according to annual surveys by the Fraser Institute.

Nevertheless, politicians continue to tout our universal health care system as a source of national pride and, according to national surveys, 74 per cent of Canadians agree. Yet only 56 per cent are satisfied with it. This gap reveals that while Canadians value universal health care in principle, they are frustrated with it in practice.

But it isn’t universal health care that’s the problem; it’s Canada’s uniquely restrictive version of it. In most provinces, laws restrict physicians from working simultaneously in public and private systems and prohibit private insurance for medically necessary services covered by medicare, constraints that do not exist in most other universal health care systems.

The United Kingdom, France, Germany and the Netherlands all maintain universal health care systems. Like Canada, they guarantee comprehensive insurance coverage for essential health care services. Yet they achieve better access to care than Canada, with patients seeing doctors sooner and benefiting from shorter surgical wait times.

In Germany, there are both public and private hospitals. In France, universal insurance covers procedures whether patients receive them in public hospitals or private clinics. In the Netherlands, all health insurance is private, with companies competing for customers while coverage remains guaranteed. In the United Kingdom, doctors working in public hospitals are allowed to maintain private practices.

All of these countries preserved their commitment to universal health care while allowing private alternatives to expand choice, absorb demand and deliver better access to care for everyone.

Only 26 per cent of Canadians can get same-day or next-day appointments with their family doctor, compared to 54 per cent of Dutch and 47 per cent of English patients. When specialist care is needed, 61 per cent of Canadians wait more than a month, compared to 25 per cent of Germans. For elective surgery, 90 per cent of French patients undergo procedures within four months, compared to 62 per cent of Canadians.

If other nations can deliver timely access to care while preserving universal coverage, so can Canada. Two changes, inspired by our peers, would preserve universal coverage and improve access for all.

First, allow physicians to provide services to patients in both public and private settings. This flexibility incentivizes doctors to maximize the time they spend providing patient care, expanding service capacity and reducing wait times for all patients. Those in the public system benefit from increased physician availability, as private options absorb demand that would otherwise strain public resources.

Second, permit private insurance for medically necessary services. This would allow Canadians to obtain coverage for private medical services, giving patients an affordable way to access health care options that best suit their needs. Private insurance would enable Canadians to customize their health coverage, empowering patients and supporting a more responsive health care system.

These proposals may seem radical to Canadians. They are not. They are standard practice everywhere else. And across the OECD, they coexist with universal health care. They can do the same in Canada.

Alberta has taken an important first step by allowing some physicians to work simultaneously in public and private settings through its new dual-practice model. More Canadian provinces should follow Alberta’s lead and go one step further by removing legislative barriers that prohibit private health insurance for medically necessary services. Private insurance is the natural complement to dual practice, transforming private health care from an exclusive luxury into a viable option for Canadian families.

Canadians take pride in their health care system. That pride should inspire reform, not prevent it. Canada’s health care crisis is real. It’s a crisis of self-imposed constraints preventing our universal system from functioning at the level Canadians deserve.

Policymakers can, and should, preserve universal health care in this country. But maintaining it will require a willingness to learn from those who have built systems that deliver universality and timely access to care, something Canada’s current system does not.

Conrad Eder is a policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Business

Dark clouds loom over Canada’s economy in 2026

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jock Finlayson

The dawn of a new year is an opportune time to ponder the recent performance of Canada’s $3.4 trillion economy. And the overall picture is not exactly cheerful.

Since the start of 2025, our principal trading partner has been ruled by a president who seems determined to unravel the post-war global economic and security order that provided a stable and reassuring backdrop for smaller countries such as Canada. Whether the Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade agreement (that President Trump himself pushed for) will even survive is unclear, underscoring the uncertainty that continues to weigh on business investment in Canada.

At the same time, Europe—representing one-fifth of the global economy—remains sluggish, thanks to Russia’s relentless war of choice against Ukraine, high energy costs across much of the region, and the bloc’s waning competitiveness. The huge Chinese economy has also lost a step. None of this is good for Canada.

Yet despite a difficult external environment, Canada’s economy has been surprisingly resilient. Gross domestic product (GDP) is projected to grow by 1.7 per cent (after inflation) this year. The main reason is continued gains in consumer spending, which accounts for more than three-fifths of all economic activity. After stripping out inflation, money spent by Canadians on goods and services is set to climb by 2.2 per cent in 2025, matching last year’s pace. Solid consumer spending has helped offset the impact of dwindling exports, sluggish business investment and—since 2023—lacklustre housing markets.

Another reason why we have avoided a sharper economic downturn is that the Trump administration has, so far, exempted most of Canada’s southbound exports from the president’s tariff barrage. This has partially cushioned the decline in Canada’s exports—particularly outside of the steel, aluminum, lumber and auto sectors, where steep U.S. tariffs are in effect. While exports will be lower in 2025 than the year before, the fall is less dramatic than analysts expected 6 to 8 months ago.

Although Canada’s economy grew in 2025, the job market lost steam. Employment growth has softened and the unemployment rate has ticked higher—it’s on track to average almost 7 per cent this year, up from 5.4 per cent two years ago. Unemployment among young people has skyrocketed. With the economy showing little momentum, employment growth will remain muted next year.

Unfortunately, there’s nothing positive to report on the investment front. Adjusted for inflation, private-sector capital spending has been on a downward trajectory for the last decade—a long-term trend that can’t be explained by Trump’s tariffs. Canada has underperformed both the United States and several other advanced economies in the amount of investment per employee. The investment gap with the U.S. has widened steadily since 2014. This means Canadian workers have fewer and less up-to-date tools, equipment and technology to help them produce goods and services compared to their counterparts in the U.S. (and many other countries). As a result, productivity growth in Canada has been lackluster, narrowing the scope for wage increases.

Preliminary data indicate that both overall non-residential investment and business capital spending on machinery, equipment and advanced technology products will be down again in 2025. Getting clarity on the future of the Canada-U.S. trade relationship will be key to improving the business environment for private-sector investment. Tax and regulatory policy changes that make Canada a more attractive choice for companies looking to invest and grow are also necessary. This is where government policymakers should direct their attention in 2026.

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