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Alberta

Alberta’s Danielle Smith announces new parental rights policy to be released this week

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From LifeSiteNews

By Clare Marie Merkowsky

‘When it comes to the balancing of the parental rights with kids growing into adulthood, I don’t think that there’s anything wrong with parents wanting to protect their child’s innocence as long as possible on issues of sexuality,’ Danielle Smith said over the weekend.

Alberta is set to unveil new legislation to protect parental rights within the school system this week.   

On January 27, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith announced that this week her United Conservative Party (UPC) will publish a new parental rights policy after promising the legislation last November.   

“We’ll be releasing policy about this next week and I’m really hopeful that we can depoliticize the discussion and be thinking about the kids who are listening to us adults, talking about these issues that are impacting them and making sure we get the right balance,” Smith told the audience of her Corus  radio call-in show. 

Smith’s comments came in response to a caller named Linda who referenced Smith’s promises during the UPC’s annual general meeting (AGM) and questioned when Smith would introduce “an Alberta parental rights bill.” 

“I want every parent listening today to hear me loud and clear. Parents are the primary caregivers and educators of their children,” Smith had promised at the AGM last November.   

“Regardless of how often the extreme left undermines the role of parents, I want you to know that parental rights and choice in your child’s education is and will continue to be a fundamental core principle of this party and this government, and we will never apologize for it,” she declared.  

In November, UPC members passed a slew of pro-family, medical freedom, and anti-woke policies at its AGM, including one calling for a bill to support “comprehensive parental rights” in education. While the policies are non-binding, merely serving as suggestions for the Alberta government, Smith told reporters at the time that her government does support the party’s grassroots process.  

During Saturday’s show, Smith revealed that consultations have taken place about such a policy, and that new legislation will be published shortly.

“When it comes to the balancing of the parental rights with kids growing into adulthood, I don’t think that there’s anything wrong with parents wanting to protect their child’s innocence as long as possible on issues of sexuality. I think that that’s a good instinct,” she told the caller.  

Smith’s promise comes after both Saskatchewan and New Brunswick introduced legislation to protect parental rights despite incurring the ire of many in the LGBT community. 

Last September, Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe invoked his government’s notwithstanding clause to protect legislation mandating that parents be told if their child changes “genders” at school; a judge had ruled against enforcement of the law earlier that day.  

The notwithstanding clause, embedded in section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, allows provinces to temporarily override sections of theCharter of Rights and Freedoms to protect new laws from being scrapped by the courts. 

Saskatchewan had followed the example of New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs, who earlier in 2023 had been condemned by LGBT activists for reviewing the province’s “gender identity” policy that allowed schools to hide students’ “transgender” status from parents. 

“For [a desire to be identified with the opposite sex] purposefully to be hidden from the parents, that’s a problem,” Higgs told reporters at the time.

In early August, pro-LGBT politicians tried unsuccessfully to remove Higgs from office. Their failure led Progressive Conservative Party members to say that, despite the media backlash, Higgs has the support of the “silent majority.” 

According to an August 2023 survey, 86 percent of Saskatchewan-based participants are for parental rights and support the province’s new laws.

There have also been numerous protests against the LGBT agenda in schools, including the September 2023 “Million Person March” which drew thousands of Canadians from across the country.

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Alberta

Low oil prices could have big consequences for Alberta’s finances

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill

Amid the tariff war, the price of West Texas Intermediate oil—a common benchmark—recently dropped below US$60 per barrel. Given every $1 drop in oil prices is an estimated $750 million hit to provincial revenues, if oil prices remain low for long, there could be big implications for Alberta’s budget.

The Smith government already projects a $5.2 billion budget deficit in 2025/26 with continued deficits over the following two years. This year’s deficit is based on oil prices averaging US$68.00 per barrel. While the budget does include a $4 billion “contingency” for unforeseen events, given the economic and fiscal impact of Trump’s tariffs, it could quickly be eaten up.

Budget deficits come with costs for Albertans, who will already pay a projected $600 each in provincial government debt interest in 2025/26. That’s money that could have gone towards health care and education, or even tax relief.

Unfortunately, this is all part of the resource revenue rollercoaster that’s are all too familiar to Albertans.

Resource revenue (including oil and gas royalties) is inherently volatile. In the last 10 years alone, it has been as high as $25.2 billion in 2022/23 and as low as $2.8 billion in 2015/16. The provincial government typically enjoys budget surpluses—and increases government spending—when oil prices and resource revenue is relatively high, but is thrown into deficits when resource revenues inevitably fall.

Fortunately, the Smith government can mitigate this volatility.

The key is limiting the level of resource revenue included in the budget to a set stable amount. Any resource revenue above that stable amount is automatically saved in a rainy-day fund to be withdrawn to maintain that stable amount in the budget during years of relatively low resource revenue. The logic is simple: save during the good times so you can weather the storm during bad times.

Indeed, if the Smith government had created a rainy-day account in 2023, for example, it could have already built up a sizeable fund to help stabilize the budget when resource revenue declines. While the Smith government has deposited some money in the Heritage Fund in recent years, it has not created a dedicated rainy-day account or introduced a similar mechanism to help stabilize provincial finances.

Limiting the amount of resource revenue in the budget, particularly during times of relatively high resource revenue, also tempers demand for higher spending, which is only fiscally sustainable with permanently high resource revenues. In other words, if the government creates a rainy-day account, spending would become more closely align with stable ongoing levels of revenue.

And it’s not too late. To end the boom-bust cycle and finally help stabilize provincial finances, the Smith government should create a rainy-day account.

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Alberta

Governments in Alberta should spur homebuilding amid population explosion

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill and Austin Thompson

In 2024, construction started on 47,827 housing units—the most since 48,336 units in 2007 when population growth was less than half of what it was in 2024.

Alberta has long been viewed as an oasis in Canada’s overheated housing market—a refuge for Canadians priced out of high-cost centres such as Vancouver and Toronto. But the oasis is starting to dry up. House prices and rents in the province have spiked by about one-third since the start of the pandemic. According to a recent Maru poll, more than 70 per cent of Calgarians and Edmontonians doubt they will ever be able to afford a home in their city. Which raises the question: how much longer can this go on?

Alberta’s housing affordability problem reflects a simple reality—not enough homes have been built to accommodate the province’s growing population. The result? More Albertans competing for the same homes and rental units, pushing prices higher.

Population growth has always been volatile in Alberta, but the recent surge, fuelled by record levels of immigration, is unprecedented. Alberta has set new population growth records every year since 2022, culminating in the largest-ever increase of 186,704 new residents in 2024—nearly 70 per cent more than the largest pre-pandemic increase in 2013.

Homebuilding has increased, but not enough to keep pace with the rise in population. In 2024, construction started on 47,827 housing units—the most since 48,336 units in 2007 when population growth was less than half of what it was in 2024.

Moreover, from 1972 to 2019, Alberta added 2.1 new residents (on average) for every housing unit started compared to 3.9 new residents for every housing unit started in 2024. Put differently, today nearly twice as many new residents are potentially competing for each new home compared to historical norms.

While Alberta attracts more Canadians from other provinces than any other province, federal immigration and residency policies drive Alberta’s population growth. So while the provincial government has little control over its population growth, provincial and municipal governments can affect the pace of homebuilding.

For example, recent provincial amendments to the city charters in Calgary and Edmonton have helped standardize building codes, which should minimize cost and complexity for builders who operate across different jurisdictions. Municipal zoning reforms in CalgaryEdmonton and Red Deer have made it easier to build higher-density housing, and Lethbridge and Medicine Hat may soon follow suit. These changes should make it easier and faster to build homes, helping Alberta maintain some of the least restrictive building rules and quickest approval timelines in Canada.

There is, however, room for improvement. Policymakers at both the provincial and municipal level should streamline rules for building, reduce regulatory uncertainty and development costs, and shorten timelines for permit approvals. Calgary, for instance, imposes fees on developers to fund a wide array of public infrastructure—including roads, sewers, libraries, even buses—while Edmonton currently only imposes fees to fund the construction of new firehalls.

It’s difficult to say how long Alberta’s housing affordability woes will endure, but the situation is unlikely to improve unless homebuilding increases, spurred by government policies that facilitate more development.

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

Austin Thompson

Senior Policy Analyst, Fraser Institute
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