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Bloc Québécois leader announces he will not work to keep Trudeau Liberals in power

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From LifeSiteNews

By Clare Marie Merkowsky

Bloc Québécois leader Yves-François Blanchet has announced that he will not work to keep Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in power.  

In a September 11 interview, Bloc Québécois leader Yves-François Blanchet denied rumors that his Quebec separatist party would be forming a collation with Trudeau, declaring that he has no interest in keeping the Liberals in power. 

“Let there be no ambiguity here,” said Blanchet. “We are not here to artificially extend the mandate of a Liberal government nor to promote the election of a Conservative government. We are here to work in the interests of Québecers.” 

“It is none of my business what the Liberals do or don’t do,” he said, adding that there is little “left of the leadership of Mr. Trudeau.” 

Blanchet’s statement seems to contradict Bloc House leader Alain Therrien, who hinted that a Bloc-Liberal deal could happen, saying that the party’s “objectives remain the same, but the means to get there will be much easier.” 

“We will negotiate and seek gains for Quebec … our balance of power has improved, that’s for sure,” he added.  

If a Bloc-Liberal deal were to be made, the Liberals would have enough votes to stave off a non-confidence motion and remain in power until the fall of 2025 when an election is mandated by law.

Until recently, the New Democratic Party (NDP) had worked with the minority Liberal government to support Trudeau. Through this agreement, the NDP had on a number of occasions voted against non-confidence motions brought forth by the Conservative Party, keeping Trudeau in power.

However, in a surprising move last week, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh pulled his official support for Trudeau’s Liberals.   

Since then, rumors of an upcoming election have swirled around Parliament, along with internal calls from Liberals to have Trudeau to step down.  

Just last week, the national elections campaign director for Canada’s federal Liberal Party announced he was stepping down because, according to sources close to the party, he does not think Trudeau can win a fourth consecutive election. 

Similarly, yesterday, Liberal MP Alexandra Mendès, who serves as the assistant deputy speaker of the House of Commons, became the first in the party to publicly call for Trudeau to resign, saying directly that he is not the “right leader” for the party.  

Recent polls show that the Conservatives under Poilievre would win a majority government in a landslide in an election held today. Singh’s NDP and Trudeau’s Liberals would lose a massive number of seats. 

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The Strange Case of the Disappearing Public Accounts Report

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The Audit

 

 David Clinton

A few days ago, Public Services and Procurement Canada tabled their audited consolidated financial statements of the Government of Canada for 2024. This is the official and complete report on the state of government finances. When I say “complete”, I mean the report’s half million words stretch across three volumes and total more than 1,300 pages.

Together, these volumes provide the most comprehensive and authoritative view of the federal government’s financial management and accountability for the fiscal year ending March 31, 2024. The tragedy is that no one has the time and energy needed to read and properly understand all that data. But the report identifies problems serious enough to deserve the attention of all Canadians – and especially policy makers.

The Audit is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Following the approach of my Parliamentary Briefings series, I uploaded all three volumes of the report to my AI research assistant and asked for its thoughts. Each one of the observations that came out the other end is significant and, in calmer and more rational times, could easily have driven a week’s worth of news coverage. But given the craziness of the past few weeks and months, they’re being largely ignored.

With that in mind, I’ve made this special edition of the Parliamentary Briefings series fully accessible to all subscribers.

We begin with a summary of the purpose and scope of the three uploaded volumes of the Public Accounts of Canada for 2023–2024:


Volume I: Summary Report and Consolidated Financial Statements

  • Purpose: Provides a high-level overview of the federal government’s financial performance, presenting the consolidated financial statements audited by the Auditor General. It serves as the primary accountability report.
  • Scope:
    • Audited financial statements.
    • Analysis of revenues, expenses, and the accumulated deficit.
    • Overview of assets, liabilities, and financial position.
    • Discussion of economic context, risks, uncertainties, and ten-year comparative financial data​​.

Volume II: Details of Expenses and Revenues

  • Purpose: Presents the financial operations of the government, broken down by ministries and agencies, for detailed accountability.
  • Scope:
    • Financial transactions segregated by ministry.
    • Details of appropriations, revenues, and transfer payments.
    • Summary tables on ministerial expenditures by type, object, and other dimensions.
    • Appendices providing additional details on budgetary authorities and their sources​.

Volume III: Additional Information and Analyses

  • Purpose: Offers supplementary analyses and financial data beyond what is included in the first two volumes, focusing on revolving funds, professional services, and shared-cost programs.
  • Scope:
    • Financial statements of revolving funds (e.g., Passport Canada, Canadian Grain Commission).
    • Expenditure details on acquisitions, transfer payments, and public debt charges.
    • Analyses of federal-provincial shared-cost programs and claims against the Crown.
    • Miscellaneous financial and operational data for broader transparency​.

The Audit: Based on these documents, could you identify the most serious threats to Canada’s economic stability?


From the Public Accounts of Canada 2023–2024, several serious threats to Canada’s economic security can be identified. These threats emerge from the broader fiscal and economic analyses, contingent liabilities, and uncertainties highlighted in the documents.

1. Growing Public Debt and Debt Servicing Costs

  • Observation: Canada’s public debt charges increased significantly in 2024, rising by 35.2% year-over-year, largely due to higher interest rates on debt. The total accumulated federal debt stood at $1.24 trillion, representing 42.1% of GDP, up from 41.1% the previous year​.
  • Risk: Rising debt servicing costs reduce fiscal space for critical public investments, making the economy vulnerable to future economic shocks or downturns.

2. Contingent Liabilities and Indigenous Claims

  • Observation: The government recorded $16.4 billion in contingent liabilities related to Indigenous claims in 2024, reflecting ongoing efforts to address past injustices. These liabilities have been increasing at an average annual growth rate of 30% since 2016​.
  • Risk: The unpredictable nature and scale of these liabilities could create significant financial pressures if settlements or court decisions require substantial payouts.

3. Legacy Costs from the COVID-19 Pandemic

  • Observation: The government recorded $4.7 billion in pandemic-related expenses for 2024, including write-offs for expired vaccines and provisions for unrecovered loans and benefits​​.
  • Risk: These costs highlight vulnerabilities in emergency financial planning and expose the government to further financial risks if similar large-scale public health crises occur.

4. Economic Pressures from High Inflation and Interest Rates

  • Observation: Inflation returned to the Bank of Canada’s 2% target by mid-2024 after 41 consecutive months above this threshold. However, elevated interest rates (peaking at 5%) contributed to a softening economy​​.
  • Risk: Prolonged periods of high interest rates could suppress household and business spending, slowing economic growth and increasing the likelihood of a recession.

5. Climate Change and Environmental Commitments

  • Observation: Significant spending is allocated to addressing climate change, with over $1 billion dedicated to environmental programs in 2024, including pollution pricing proceeds and clean energy initiatives​​.
  • Risk: Canada’s reliance on resource-intensive industries and increasing costs to meet climate targets create economic vulnerabilities, particularly in regions heavily reliant on fossil fuels.

6. Global Economic Instability

  • Observation: Global supply chain disruptions, energy price volatility, and geopolitical events (e.g., Russia’s invasion of Ukraine) significantly impacted Canada’s economy, with slower GDP growth (1.5% in 2023) and reduced trade​.
  • Risk: External shocks could exacerbate domestic economic challenges, such as rising import costs or reduced demand for Canadian exports.

7. Labor Market and Productivity Challenges

  • Observation: While job creation remained positive, population growth outpaced employment gains, leading to an increase in the unemployment rate to 6.5% by October 2024. Productivity improvements have been uneven​.
  • Risk: Labor shortages in key sectors and declining workforce participation among certain demographics (e.g., aging population) could undermine economic resilience.

8. Dependence on Resource Revenues

  • Observation: Volatile global commodity prices impacted nominal GDP growth, with gains slowing to 2.9% in 2023 after double-digit growth in prior years​.
  • Risk: Fluctuations in resource revenues leave Canada exposed to external shocks, particularly in provinces like Alberta and Saskatchewan, heavily reliant on oil and gas.

These challenges underscore the need for proactive fiscal and policy measures to safeguard economic stability, manage liabilities, and address emerging risks.


The Audit: What would you recommend as the three most urgent areas to address to avoid deepening the economic crisis?


1. Manage Rising Public Debt and Debt Servicing Costs

  • Why It’s Urgent: The rapid increase in public debt charges (35.2% in 2024) is crowding out fiscal space for essential programs. The federal debt, at 42.1% of GDP, has become a significant liability, with interest rate fluctuations posing an ongoing threat​​.
  • Recommendations:
    • Introduce stricter fiscal discipline by prioritizing expenditures that yield long-term economic benefits (e.g., infrastructure, innovation).
    • Develop a comprehensive debt reduction strategy to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio in the medium term.
    • Explore debt refinancing strategies to lock in lower interest rates where feasible.
  • Impact: Reducing debt servicing pressures will free up resources for critical investments and improve Canada’s fiscal resilience.

2. Mitigate the Economic Impact of Contingent Liabilities

  • Why It’s Urgent: Contingent liabilities related to Indigenous claims have grown exponentially (30% annually since 2016), creating fiscal unpredictability and potentially overwhelming future budgets​.
  • Recommendations:
    • Accelerate settlement negotiations to limit litigation costs and interest on outstanding claims.
    • Establish a transparent reserve fund specifically for contingent liabilities, ensuring predictable future payouts.
    • Increase collaboration with Indigenous communities to address systemic issues and prevent further claims.
  • Impact: Resolving liabilities promptly will reduce fiscal uncertainty and demonstrate Canada’s commitment to reconciliation.

3. Address Structural Labor Market and Productivity Challenges

  • Why It’s Urgent: Despite job creation, rising unemployment (6.5% in late 2024) and productivity stagnation threaten long-term economic growth. Labor shortages in critical sectors further exacerbate vulnerabilities​.
  • Recommendations:
    • Expand skilled immigration programs to address labor shortages in healthcare, technology, and green industries.
    • Increase investment in workforce retraining programs, particularly for sectors undergoing automation or transition due to climate policies.
    • Promote workplace flexibility and childcare access to increase labor force participation, particularly among women and aging workers.
  • Impact: Enhancing workforce productivity and participation will strengthen the economic foundation and support GDP growth.

Rationale for Prioritization

These areas represent the most immediate threats to economic security and fiscal stability. Addressing them proactively can reduce vulnerabilities and position Canada for sustainable growth.


The Audit: What are the most surprising and disturbing details in these documents?


1. Rapid Growth of Public Debt Charges

  • Detail: Public debt charges increased by 35.2% year-over-year to $47.3 billion, representing one of the fastest-growing expense categories. This reflects a combination of higher interest rates and the significant size of Canada’s debt​​.
  • Why Disturbing: Such a rapid increase in debt servicing costs could divert funds from essential public services and programs. It also signals limited fiscal flexibility in the event of future economic shocks.

2. Ballooning Contingent Liabilities

  • Detail: The federal government recorded $16.4 billion in expenses for Indigenous contingent liabilities in 2024. This is part of an ongoing surge, with liabilities increasing by 30% annually since 2016​​.
  • Why Disturbing: While reconciliation efforts are vital, the sheer scale and rapid growth of these liabilities are fiscally unsustainable without structural changes or dedicated funding mechanisms. The risk of further liabilities emerging adds to fiscal uncertainty.

3. Significant Write-offs and Provisions for Pandemic Programs

  • Detail: The government wrote off $1.2 billion in expired COVID-19 vaccines and therapeutics and recorded $3.5 billion in provisions for unrecovered pandemic-era loans​​.
  • Why Disturbing: These figures highlight inefficiencies in planning and administration during the pandemic response, leading to substantial financial losses. The scale of unrecovered funds also raises questions about accountability in the deployment of emergency programs.

4. Rising Unemployment Despite Job Creation

  • Detail: While 475,000 jobs were created in 2023, the unemployment rate rose to 6.5% by late 2024 due to population growth outpacing employment gains​​.
  • Why Surprising: Despite strong job creation, an inability to keep pace with population growth signals structural issues in labor force integration. This poses a risk to Canada’s economic competitiveness and social cohesion.

5. Declining Corporate Income Tax Revenues

  • Detail: Corporate income tax revenues decreased by 0.7%, driven by reduced taxable income despite an overall increase in total revenues​.
  • Why Surprising: The decline in corporate tax revenues during a period of economic recovery raises concerns about potential tax avoidance, economic inequality, or over-reliance on other revenue streams, such as personal income taxes.

6. Substantial Environmental and Climate Spending

  • Detail: Over $1 billion was allocated to environmental programs, including pollution pricing proceeds. However, the documents note Canada’s slow progress toward net-zero targets and risks to resource-dependent provinces​​.
  • Why Disturbing: While necessary, this spending may be insufficient given the scale of the climate challenge. The mismatch between spending and measurable progress on climate goals risks long-term environmental and economic consequences.

7. Unanticipated Costs of Indigenous Reconciliation

  • Detail: Beyond contingent liabilities, the government is facing unpredictable settlement costs due to increasing litigation and the complexity of claims. These have already exceeded $60 billion since 2016​​.
  • Why Disturbing: The ongoing financial impact of these settlements reflects Canada’s historical neglect of Indigenous issues. Resolving these claims is essential, but the lack of predictability or dedicated funding highlights systemic shortcomings in reconciliation strategies.

8. Softened GDP Growth and Inflation Challenges

  • Detail: Real GDP growth slowed to 1.5% in 2023, and inflation remained high throughout the year, only reaching the Bank of Canada’s 2% target by mid-2024​​.
  • Why Disturbing: The prolonged inflationary period and sluggish growth signal a fragile recovery. These economic conditions could exacerbate income inequality and lead to further fiscal strain.

9. High Provisions for Unrecovered Loans

  • Detail: Provisions of $3.5 billion were recorded for emergency loans provided during the pandemic. The government continues to face difficulties in recovering these funds​.
  • Why Disturbing: This provision raises serious questions about the efficiency of loan administration and the government’s ability to safeguard public funds during emergencies.

10. Heavy Dependence on Volatile Resource Revenues

  • Detail: Nominal GDP growth slowed to 2.9% in 2023, largely due to easing commodity prices after a surge in 2022. Resource dependence remains a key economic vulnerability​.
  • Why Surprising: Despite global shifts toward renewable energy, Canada’s reliance on resource revenues remains high, posing long-term risks to economic diversification and stability.

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The gun ban and buyback still isn’t worth it for taxpayers

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From the Canadian Taxpayers Federation

By Gage Haubrich

Even worse than the cost is the simple fact that the policy isn’t making Canadians safer. Trudeau banned the initial list of 1,500 guns in 2020, meaning that it’s illegal to buy, sell or use them. In every year since, violent gun crime in Canada has increased.

Right from the beginning, experts have told the prime minister that his gun ban and buyback will divert resources away from fighting crime rather than making Canada safer.

Instead of changing course, the Trudeau government announced it’s diverting even more taxpayers’ money to its failing gun policy policy.

And it’s an expensive diversion.

The federal government recently announced an additional 324 models of firearms are now prohibited and being added to the buyback list. That brings the total makes and models banned to almost 2,500.

Even though Ottawa hasn’t confiscated a single gun yet, costs have already begun to pile up for taxpayers. Since 2020, when the ban was first announced, the government has spent $67 million on the program. By the end of the fiscal year the government is likely to increase that number to about $100 million, according to government documents.

The projected costs of this scheme have been a problem from the start. In 2019, the government  said the buyback would cost taxpayers $200 million. But according to the Parliamentary Budget Officer, buying back the guns could cost up to $756 million, not including administrative costs. Other government documents show that the buyback is now likely to cost almost $2 billion.

Those costs do not include the newly banned firearms. And it looks like the government has plans to expand the list even further. That means even more costs to taxpayers.

Minister of Public Safety Dominic Leblanc, who is charge in charge of the gun ban, hinted during the press conference the popular SKS rifle might be added to the ban list next. There are estimated to be a million of those firearms in Canada.

That means the costs to taxpayers could soar and even more people could lose their guns. The  PBO report estimates that there were about 518,000 firearms banned on the original list. Adding the SKS could more than double the projected $756 million it would cost to confiscate the guns.

The government tried to ban the SKS before. It was included in an amendment to Bill C-21 that would have seen it banned along with a lot of hunting rifles. The Assembly of First Nations immediately passed an emergency resolution opposing this amendment at the time.

“It’s a tool,” said Kitigan Zibi Chief Dylan Whiteduck about the list of rifles that would have been banned. “It’s not a weapon.”

The government backed down on that amendment. There is no doubt it would encounter similar resistance from Indigenous hunters if Ottawa reimposed it.

Even worse than the cost is the simple fact that the policy isn’t making Canadians safer. Trudeau banned the initial list of 1,500 guns in 2020, meaning that it’s illegal to buy, sell or use them. In every year since, violent gun crime in Canada has increased.

And international examples confirm the pattern. New Zealand conducted a similar, but more extensive, gun ban and buyback in 2019. New Zealand had 1,216 violent firearm offenses in 2023. That’s 349 more offences than the year before the buyback.

All of this only confirms what experts have said from the beginning: This cost a lot of money, but won’t make Canada safer.

The union that represents the RCMP says the buyback “diverts extremely important personnel, resources, and funding away from addressing the more immediate and growing threat of criminal use of illegal firearms.”

“The gun ban is not working,” said the president of the Toronto Police Association. “We should focus on criminals.”

Academics who study the subject also agree.

“Buyback programs are largely ineffective at reducing gun violence, in large part because the people who participate in such programs are not likely to use those guns to commit violence,” said University of Toronto professor Jooyoung Lee.

Everyone but the prime minister can see the obvious. The costs for this program keep ballooning and taxpayers have every reason to worry the tab is only getting bigger. Yet our streets aren’t safer. Trudeau must scrap this ineffective and expensive gun buyback.

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