Alberta
Activity-Based Hospital Funding in Alberta: Insights from Quebec and Australia
From the Montreal Economic Institute
Quebec has experienced increased productivity and efficiency, as well as reduced costs, in those sectors to which ABF has been applied
Alberta’s healthcare system costs more than those of many of its peers across Canada and internationally, yet underperforms by many metrics—wait times perhaps being the most visible.(1) For instance, while Alberta consistently spends a fair deal more per capita on health care than Canada’s other large provinces do, the median wait time from referral by a GP to treatment by a specialist was 33.3 weeks in 2022, versus 29.4 weeks in Quebec, 25.8 weeks in British Columbia, and 20.3 weeks in Ontario. Albertans waited a median 232 days for a hip replacement that year, longer than those in Quebec, British Columbia, and Ontario.(2) In Australia, meanwhile, the median wait time for a total hip replacement in 2022 was 175 days in public hospitals.(3)
One of the things keeping Alberta’s healthcare system from better performance is that it relies on global budgets for its hospital financing. Such a system allocates a pre-set amount of funding to pay for an expected number of services, based largely on historical volume. The problem with global budgets is that they disregard the actual costs incurred to deliver care, while undermining incentives to improve outcomes. This ultimately leads to rationing of care, with patients viewed as a cost that must be managed.
Activity-based funding systems are associated with reduced hospital costs, increased efficiency, and shorter wait times, among other things.
An alternative is activity-based funding (ABF), which has largely replaced global budgeting in many OECD countries, and is starting to do so in some Canadian provinces.(4) With ABF, hospitals receive a fixed payment for each specific service delivered, adjusted for certain parameters.(5) If a hospital treats more patients and delivers more services, it receives more funding; if it does less, it receives less. In essence, the money follows the patient, which has a dramatic effect: patients are now viewed as a source of revenue, not merely as a cost. Studies have shown that ABF systems that include appropriate safeguards for quality and waste are associated with reduced hospital costs, increased efficiency, and shorter wait times, among other things.(6)
To increase its capacity and performance, Alberta should consider moving to such a system for hospital financing. As over 25% of total health spending in the province goes to hospitals,(7) driving down costs and finding efficiencies is of paramount importance.
ABF models vary by jurisdiction and context to account for distinct situations and the particular policy objectives being pursued.(8) Two jurisdictions provide interesting insights: Quebec, with ABF hospital funding being gradually implemented in recent years, and Australia, where after more than three decades, ABF is the rule, global budgets the exception.
ABF in Quebec: Increased Performance and Decreased Costs
Quebec’s hospital payment reforms over the past two decades have been aimed at better linking funding with health care delivery to improve care quality and access.(9) These patient-based funding reforms (a type of ABF) have resulted in increased volumes and efficiency, and reduced costs and wait times for a number of surgical and other procedures in Quebec.(10)
These reforms started in 2004, when Quebec applied ABF in the context of additional funding to select surgeries in order to reduce wait times through the Access to Surgery Program.(11) The surgeries initially targeted were hip replacement, knee replacement, and cataract surgeries, but other procedures were eventually integrated into the program as well. Its funding covered the volume of surgeries that exceeded those performed in 2002-2003, and it used the average cost for each specific surgery. Procedures were classified by cost category, which also took into account the intensity of resource use and unit cost based on direct and indirect costs.
The expansion of ABF in Quebec aims to relieve hospital congestion by driving down wait times and shrinking wait lists.
By 2012-2013, this targeted program had helped to significantly increase the volume of surgeries performed, as well as decrease wait times and length of stay.(12) However, as ABF was applied only to surplus volumes of additional surgeries, efficiency gains were limited. For this reason, among others, the Expert Panel for Patient-Based Funding recommended expanding the program,(13) and in 2012, the Government of Quebec began considering further pilot projects for gradual ABF implementation.(14)
- In 2015, ABF was implemented in the radiation oncology sector, which resulted in better access to services at a lower cost, with productivity having increased more than 26% by 2023-2024, and average procedure costs having fallen 7%.(15)
- In 2017-2018, ABF was implemented in imaging, which resulted in the number of magnetic resonance imaging tests increasing more than 22% while driving the unit cost of procedures down 4%.(16)
- Following the above successes, in 2018-2019, the colonoscopy and digestive endoscopy sector also moved to ABF, which led to a productivity increase of 14% and a 31% decrease in the case backlog.(17)
Overall, then, Quebec has experienced increased productivity and efficiency, as well as reduced costs, in those sectors to which ABF has been applied (see Figure 1).
The Department of Health and Social Services continued to expand ABF to more surgeries in 2023, following which it was expected that about 25% of the care and services offered in physical health in Quebec hospitals would be funded in this manner, with the goal of reaching 100% by 2027-2028.(18) Further, the 2024-2025 budget expanded ABF again to include the medicine, emergency, neonatal, and dialysis sectors.
This expansion of ABF aims to relieve hospital congestion by driving down wait times and shrinking wait lists.(19) It will also align Quebec’s health care funding with what has become standard in most OECD countries. In Australia, for instance, ABF is the rule, not the exception, covering a large proportion of hospital services.
Australia’s Extensive Use of ABF
Australia also implemented ABF in stages, as Quebec is now doing. It was first introduced in the 1990s in one state and adopted nationally in 2012 for all admitted programs to increase efficiency, while also integrating quality and safety considerations.(20) These considerations act as safeguards to ensure efficiency incentives don’t negatively impact services. For instance, there are adjustments to the ABF payment framework in the presence of hospital acquired complications and avoidable hospital readmissions, two measures of hospital safety and service quality.(21) If service quality were to decrease, funding would be adjusted, and payments would be withheld. Not only has ABF been successful in increasing hospital efficiency in Australia, but it has also enabled proactive service improvement, which has in turn had a positive impact on safety and quality.(22)
ABF now makes up 87.0% of total hospital spending in Australia, ranging from 83.6% in Tasmania to 93.0% in the Australian Capital Territory.
Currently, ER services, acute services, admitted mental health services, sub-acute and non-acute services, and non-admitted services are funded with ABF in Australia. This includes rehabilitation, palliative, geriatric and/or maintenance care.(23) Global budgets are still used for some block funding, but this is the exception, restricted to certain hospitals, programs, or specific episodes of care.(24) Small rural hospitals, non-admitted mental health programs, and a few other highly specialized therapies or clinics or some community health services tend to be block funded due to higher than average costs stemming from a lack of economies of scale and inadequate volumes, among other things.
When first introduced, ABF made up about 25% of hospital revenue (approximately where Quebec currently stands).(25) ABF now makes up 87.0% of total hospital spending in Australia, ranging from 83.6% in Tasmania to 93.0% in the Australian Capital Territory (see Figure 2).
There is more variability, however, at the local hospital network level within territories or states. For instance, between 2019 and 2024, an average of 92.3% of total funding for the hospitals in the South Eastern Sydney Local Health District was ABF, and just 7.7% was block funding.(26) For the hospitals in the Far West Local Health District, in comparison, ABF represented an average of 72.0% of total funding, and block payments 28.0%, over the same period.(27)
The proportion of ABF funding per hospital is dictated, for the most part, by the types and volumes of patient services provided, but also by hospital characteristics and regional patient demographics.(28) For example, there could be a need to compensate for differences in hospital size and location, or to reimburse for some alternative element of the fixed cost of providing services. In the Far West Local Health District, on average 65.1% of block funding between 2019-2020 and 2023-2024 was provided for small rural hospitals, while only 1.4% of the block funding in the South Eastern Sydney Local Health District was for these types of hospitals.(29) Ultimately, these two districts serve very different populations, with the Far West Local Health District being the most thinly populated district in Australia.(30)
Overall, ABF implementation in Australia has significantly improved hospital performance. Early after ABF implementation, the volume of care in Australia increased, and waiting lists decreased by 16% in the first year.(31) Between 2005 and 2017 the hospitals that were funded by ABF in Queensland became more efficient than those receiving block funding.(32) In addition, ABF can contribute to reductions in extended lengths of stay and hospital readmission,(33) both of which are expensive propositions for health care systems and also tie up hospital beds and resources.
Conclusion
ABF has been associated with reduced hospital costs, increased efficiency, and shorter wait times, areas where Alberta is lacking and reform is needed. To increase its health system performance, Alberta should consider emulating Quebec and moving to an activity-based funding system. Indeed, based on the experience of countries like Australia, widespread application should be the goal, as it is in Quebec. Alberta patients have already waited far too long for timely access to the quality care they deserve. The time to act is now.
The MEI study is available here.
* * *
This Economic Note was prepared by Krystle Wittevrongel, Senior Policy Analyst and Alberta Project Lead at the MEI. The MEI’s Health Policy Series aims to examine the extent to which freedom of choice and entrepreneurship lead to improvements in the quality and efficiency of health care services for all patients.
The MEI is an independent public policy think tank with offices in Montreal and Calgary. Through its publications, media appearances, and advisory services to policy-makers, the MEI stimulates public policy debate and reforms based on sound economics and entrepreneurship.
Alberta
MAiD In Alberta: Province surveying Albertans about assisted suicide policies
Alberta’s government is launching a public engagement to gather input about legislation and policies around assisted suicide, also referred to as medical assistance in dying (MAID).
Medical assistance in dying is a process that allows an eligible person to receive assistance from a medical practitioner in ending their life. To be found eligible, a person must be suffering from a serious and permanent medical condition.
Alberta’s government is reviewing how MAID is regulated to ensure there is a consistent process as well as oversight that protects vulnerable Albertans, specifically those living with disabilities or suffering from mental health challenges. An online survey is now open for Albertans to share their views and experiences with MAID until Dec. 20.
“We recognize that medical assistance in dying is a very complex and often personal issue and is an important, sensitive and emotional matter for patients and their families. It is important to ensure this process has the necessary supports to protect the most vulnerable. I encourage Albertans who have experience with and opinions on MAID to take this survey.”
In addition to the online survey, Alberta’s government will also be engaging directly with academics, medical associations, public bodies, religious organizations, regulatory bodies, advocacy groups and others that have an interest in and/or working relationship to the MAID process, health care, disabilities and mental health care.
Feedback gathered through this process will help inform the Alberta government’s planning and policy decision making, including potential legislative changes regarding MAID in Alberta.
“Our government has been clear that we do not support the provision of medically assisted suicide for vulnerable Albertans facing mental illness as their primary purpose for seeking their own death. Instead, our goal is to build a continuum of care where vulnerable Albertans can live in long-term health and fulfilment. We look forward to the feedback of Albertans as we proceed with this important issue.”
“As MAID is a federally legislated and regulated program that touches the lives of many Albertans, our priority is to ensure we have robust safeguards to protect vulnerable individuals. Albertans’ insights will be essential in developing thoughtful policies on this complex issue.”
The federal Criminal Code sets out the MAID eligibility criteria, procedural safeguards and reporting obligations. The federal government has paused MAID eligibility for individuals with a mental illness as their sole underlying medical condition until March 2027 to ensure the provincial health care systems have processes and supports in place. Alberta’s government does not support expanding MAID eligibility to include those facing depression or mental illness and continues to call on the federal government to end this policy altogether.
Related information
Alberta
On gender, Alberta is following the science
Despite falling into disrepute in recent years, “follow the science” remains our best shot at getting at the truth of the physical sciences.
But science, if we are to place our trust in it, must be properly defined and understood; it is at its essence an ever-changing process, a relentless pursuit of truth that is never “settled,” and one that is unafraid to discard old hypotheses in the face of new evidence.
And it is in this light—in the unforgiving glare of honest science—that Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s three new legislative initiatives around gender policy are properly understood, notwithstanding the opprobrium they’ve attracted from critics.
Bill 26, the Health Statutes Amendment Act, proposes to prohibit the prescription of puberty blockers and cross-gender hormones for the treatment of gender dysphoria to youth aged 15 and under. It would allow minors aged 16 and 17 to begin puberty blockers and hormone therapies for gender “reassignment” and “affirmation” purposes only with parental, physician, and psychologist approval. The bill also prohibits health professionals from performing sex reassignment surgeries on minors.
Bill 27, the Education Amendment Act, seeks to enshrine parents’ rights to be notified if their kids change their names/pronouns at school, and it gives parents the right to “opt in” to what sort of gender and sex education their kids are exposed to in school.
And Bill 29, the Fairness and Safety in Sports Act, is designed to protect females in sports by ensuring that women and girls can compete in biological female-only divisions, while supporting the formation of co-ed opportunities to support transgender athletes.
Each of these initiatives is entirely reasonable, given what we know of the science underpinning “gender care,” and of the undeniable advantages that a male physique confers upon biological males competing in sports.
The notion that the trifecta of puberty blockers, cross-gender hormones, and revisionist surgery is a pathway to good health was a hypothesis initially devised by Dutch researchers, who were looking to ease the discomfort of transgender adults struggling with incongruence between their physical appearance and their gender identities. As a hypothesis, it was perhaps reasonable.
But as the UK’s Cass Review exposed in withering detail last spring, its premises were wholly unsupported by evidence, and its implementation has caused grievous harm for youth. As Finnish psychiatrist Riittakerttu Kaltiala, one of the architects of that country’s gender program, put it last year, “Gender affirming care is dangerous. I know, because I helped pioneer it.”
It’s no accident, then, that numerous European jurisdictions have pulled back from the “gender affirming care” pathway for youth, such as Sweden, Finland, Belgium, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.
It makes perfect sense that Canadians should be cautious as well, and that parents should be apprised if their children are being exposed to these theories at school and informed if their kids are caught up in their premises.
Yet the Canadian medical establishment has remained curiously intransigent on this issue, continuing to insist that the drug-and-surgery-based gender-affirming care model is rooted in evidence.
Premier Smith was asked by a reporter last month whether decisions on these matters aren’t best left to discussions between doctors and their patients; to which she replied:
“I would say doctors aren’t always right.”
Which is rather an understatement, as anyone familiar with the opioid drug crisis can attest, or as anyone acquainted with the darker corners of medical history knows: the frontal lobotomy saga, the thalidomide catastrophe, and the “recovered memories of sexual abuse” scandal are just a few examples of where doctors didn’t “get it right.”
As physicians, we advocate strongly for self-regulation and for the principle that medical decisions are private matters between physicians and patients. But self-regulation isn’t infallible, and when it fails it can be very much in the interests of the public—and especially of patients—for others to intervene, whether they be journalists, lawyers, or political leaders.
The trans discussion shouldn’t be a partisan issue, although it certainly has become one in Canada. It’s worth noting that Britain’s freshly elected Labour Party chose to carry on with the cautious approach adopted by the preceding administration in light of the Cass Review.
Premier Smith’s new polices are eminently sensible and in line with the stance taken by our European colleagues. None of her initiatives are “anti-trans.” Instead, they are pro-child, pro-women, and pro-athlete, and it’s difficult to see how anyone can quibble with that.
Dr. J. Edward Les, MD, is a pediatrician in Calgary, senior fellow at the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy, and co-author of Teenagers, Children, and Gender Transition Policy: A Comparison of Transgender Medical Policy for Minors in Canada, the United States, and Europe.
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