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A Planet that Might not Need Saving: Can CO2 Even Drive Global Temperature?

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45 minute read

By Jim Mason
Climate change has ingrained itself so deeply in the public consciousness that it’s likely an article of faith that the foundational science was all conducted, tested and confirmed decades ago. Surely to goodness, exactly how carbon dioxide (CO2) behaves in the atmosphere is “settled science”, right? That more CO2 emitted equals more heat and higher temperature is a cornerstone of the ruling scientific paradigm. And yet, finds Jim Mason, the detailed dynamics of how, when and to what degree CO2 transforms radiation into atmospheric heat are anything but settled. So much remains unknown that recent academic research inquiring whether CO2 at its current atmospheric concentrations can even absorb more heat amounts to breaking new ground in climate science. If it can’t, notes Mason, then further changes in CO2 levels not only won’t drive “global boiling”, they won’t have any impact on climate at all.

Electric Vehicles (EVs) – by which are usually meant battery-operated electric vehicles, or BEVs – have long been touted in many countries as the central element in the strategy for stopping global climate change. Canada is no exception. The Liberal government’s Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Stephen Guilbeault, has mandated that by 2030, 60 percent of all vehicles sold in Canada must be BEVs, rising to 100 percent by 2035. In anticipation of the accompanying surge in BEV sales, the federal and Ontario governments have offered huge subsidies to battery manufacturing companies. But now, EV sales are stagnating and automobile manufacturers that were rushing headlong into EV production have dramatically scaled back their plans. Ford Motor Company has even decided that, instead of converting its Oakville, Ontario plant to EV production, it will retool it to produce the Super Duty models of its best-selling – and internal combustion engine-powered – pickup truck line.

Heating up the rhetoric: “The era of global warming has ended; the era of global boiling has arrived,” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres (top left) has declared; prominent voices such as former U.S. Vice President Al Gore (top right) insist it’s “settled science” that “humans are to blame” for global warming; this view has been accepted by millions worldwide (bottom). (Sources of photos: (top left) UNclimatechange, licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0; (top right) World Economic Forum, licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0; (bottom) Takver from Australia, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0)

A big part of the justification for forcing Canadians into EVs has been that we must “follow the science.” Namely, the “settled” science which holds that the planet’s atmosphere is heating dangerously and that humans are the cause of this via our prodigious emissions of heat-trapping gases – mainly carbon dioxide (CO2) – which are magnifying the atmosphere’s “greenhouse” effect. Over the past several decades the accompanying political rhetoric has also heated up, from initial concerns over global warming and a threatened planet – terms that at least accommodated political and scientific debate – to categorical declarations of a “climate emergency”. As UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres asserted last year, “The era of global warming has ended; the era of global boiling has arrived.”

The foundational term “follow the science” is loaded, however. It is code for “follow the science disseminated by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).” Article 1 of the UN’s Framework Convention on Climate Change actually defines climate change as “a change of climate which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity”. Elsewhere the document clearly identities CO2 emitted through the burning of fossil fuels as the causative human activity. So the UN and IPCC long ago limited the scope of what is presented to the public as a scientific investigation and decided not only on the cause of the problem but also the nature of the solution, namely radically driving down “anthropogenic emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.”

The worldwide climate change movement has proved remarkably successful in creating what is known as a “ruling paradigm”. This phenomenon is common in many fields and not necessarily harmful. But in this instance, what is billed as a scientific endeavour has strictly limited the role of open scientific inquiry. The “science” that the movement wants humanity to follow is the result of inferential, inductive interpretation of empirical observations, declared to be “settled science” on the basis of a claimed consensus rather than as a result of controlled, repeatable experiments designed not to reinforce the paradigm but to test it for falsifiability, in accordance with the scientific method. This paradigm has allowed Guterres, for example, to claim that “for scientists, it is unequivocal – humans are to blame.” But it is missing (or attempts to exclude) a key element: rigorous experimentation that subjects the theory on which the paradigm is built to disinterested scientific scrutiny.

Following whose science? The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) defines climate change as being solely “attributed directly or indirectly to human activity,” particularly the burning of fossil fuels, thus limiting not only the scope of public discourse but pertinent scientific inquiry as well. (Sources: (left photo) Robin Utrecht/abacapress.com; (middle photo) Qiu Chen/Xinhua/abacapress.com; (graph) IPCC, 2023: Summary for Policymakers, Climate Change 2023: Synthesis Report)

Thankfully, some scientists still are conducting this kind of research and, for those who value and follow properly-done science, the results can be eye-opening. Two recent scientific papers appear of particular interest in this regard. Each is aimed at assessing the role of CO2 in influencing atmospheric temperature. Nobody doubts whether carbon dioxide is a greenhouse gas; the real questions are how much additional radiant energy CO2 is currently absorbing (such as due to the burning of fossil fuels) compared to the past, and what impact this has on the climate.

One might have thought such work would have been done 30 or more years ago but, apparently, it has not. That additional CO2 emitted into the atmosphere absorbs additional radiant energy, and that such additions do so in a linear fashion, are two of climate change theory’s critical premises. So it would seem crucial to establish scientifically whether gases emitted due to human activity – like CO2 – are capable of raising the Earth’s atmospheric temperature and, accordingly, justify their assigned role of causative agent in humanity’s planet-threatening villainy. The papers discussed below thus deal with questions of profound importance to climate change theory and the policy response of countries around the world.

If CO2 is not actually an effective current driver of atmospheric temperature, the implications are staggering.

How – and How Much – CO2 Traps Heat in the Atmosphere

The first paper developed a mathematically rigorous theory from first principles regarding the absorption of long-wavelength radiation (LWR) by a column of air as the concentration of CO2 (or other greenhouse gases such as water vapour, methane, ozone or nitrous oxide) increases in the atmosphere.

The Earth receives solar energy mainly in shorter wavelengths, including visible light. According to NASA, just under half of this incident radiation reaches the ground, where it is absorbed and transformed into heat. Of that half, just over one-third is radiated back into the atmosphere; about one-third of that amount is absorbed by heat-trapping gases, including CO2. (The air’s main constituents of oxygen and nitrogen are essentially transparent to both incoming visible radiation and outgoing LWR). Importantly, CO2 can only absorb meaningful amounts of LWR in two specific bands, but in these bands, it can absorb all of it.

The greenhouse effect, oversimplified and distorted: This seemingly easy-to-understand info-graphic downplays the fact that a large proportion of incoming solar radiation returns to space, omits the key fact that there would be no life on Earth without the natural greenhouse effect, and leaves out the most significant greenhouse gas of all: water vapour. (Source of image: EDUCBA)

The paper employs formulae whose explanation exceeds the scope of this article, but in simplified terms the theory predicts that at some concentration – designated as “C” – one-half of the LWR in the absorbable band is absorbed. Importantly, the theory postulates that the absorption of LWR does not increase in a linear fashion along with the increase in atmospheric CO2. Instead, as the gas concentration increases, the incremental amount absorbed decreases. At twice the C value – 2C – only three-quarters of the incident radiation would be absorbed. And at 3C, seven-eighths.

By 10C, 99.9 percent of the absorbable LWR is being absorbed. In effect, the atmosphere has become “saturated” with the gas from a radiation-absorption perspective and further increases in CO2 have negligible effect on absorption. This relationship is illustrated in Figure 1. As one can see, it is distinctly non-linear in nature, but is instead exponential, asymptotically approaching 100 percent absorption.

Figure 1: Theoretical graphical depiction of absorption of incident radiation as a function of the concentration of an absorbing gas, in this case forming the core of a theory concerning how long-wave radiation emitted from the Earth’s surface is absorbed by atmospheric CO2. (Source of graph: Jim Mason)

This graph could appear quite scary at first glance. After all, as more CO2 is added to the atmosphere, more LWR is being absorbed, suggesting more heat is being retained instead of escaping to outer space. So doesn’t the Figure 1 curve suggest that, with CO2 concentrations rising and potentially doubling during our era compared to pre-Industrial times, global warming is indeed occurring, CO2 is indeed the cause, and the IPCC’s warnings are justified? The answers depend on what the value of C actually is for CO2 and what the concentration of CO2 is in the atmosphere today. In other words, on where the Earth now sits along that curve, and where it sat when the pre-Industrial era came to an end. That, in turn, will require actual physical experiments – and these are covered later.

Figure 2: View from end of air column showing random positions of radiation-absorbing gas molecules, with red circles representing their associated radiation-absorbing cross-section. (Source of illustration: Jim Mason)

The non-linear LWR/absorption relationship can be understood conceptually as follows. Each physical COmolecule has what amounts to a surrounding area of radiation-absorption capability to specific bands of LWR. This area is “opaque” to those bands. The LWR rising from the Earth’s surface is absorbed if it travels onto this area; outside of it, it is not. The areas can be thought of as little opaque spheres around each molecule, which when viewed externally look like circles. The area of these circles is referred to as the radiation absorption cross-section.

Viewed from the end of the column of air, the circular cross-sections formed by all the CO2 molecules in the air column will effectively add up to some overall fraction of the air column’s cross-sectional area becoming opaque to the LWR. Radiation that strikes any of that area will be absorbed; radiation travelling through the rest of the column’s cross-sectional area will pass into space.

At some concentration of molecules – dubbed C in this essay, as mentioned – half of the column’s cross-section will be opaque and absorbing the incident LWR. This is illustrated in Figure 2. It is of relevance that because the gas molecules are randomly present in a column of air, when viewed from the end they will overlap; the overlapping areas cannot absorb the same radiation twice. C is the concentration at which the effective opaque area, taking into account all the overlapping, is one-half the column’s cross-sectional area.

If the gas concentration is then increased by C, i.e. is doubled, the new molecules will also have an associated opaque area equal to half of the column’s cross-sectional area. Half of this, however, will coincide with the half that is already opaque, so will have no impact. The other half, or one-quarter of the column’s cross-section, will become newly opaque and start absorbing LWR. If the concentration is again increased by C, the new molecules will also have a total opaque area equal to one-half the column cross-section, but three-quarters of this will coincide with already-opaque area so only one-quarter of that one-half, or one-eighth in total, will become new radiation-absorbing opacity.

Figure 3: Illustrative depiction of radiation-absorption cross-section illustrating how the transparent area, where additional molecules would be exposed to the radiant heat source and, therefore, would absorb radiation, is progressively reduced as more molecules are added; after several more iterations, this leads to radiation absorption “saturation” after which no further radiation is absorbed no matter how many more absorbing molecules are added, since all radiation in that wavelength band is already being absorbed. (Source of illustrations: Jim Mason)

This progression is illustrated in Figure 3, but is perhaps more easily visualized in Figure 4. Here, the half of the cross-sectional area of air column that was rendered opaque by the CO2 molecules is shown as being all on one side of the column. The opacity caused by each successive addition of C number of CO2 molecules is shown in a different colour and is positioned to highlight the impact on the remaining transparent cross-sectional area. As can be seen, each successive increase in concentration of C increases the amount of radiation absorption by decreasing amounts – by a factor of two. After ten such increases, the transparent fraction of the column would be reduced to 0.1 percent of its area so that 99.9 percent of the incident radiation is being absorbed.

Although the foregoing description is conceptually correct, a full understanding of natural processes and of the theory requires taking several other considerations into account, most of which are outside the scope of this discussion. One aspect that is important to understand: as mentioned above, CO2 and other greenhouse gases only absorb outgoing radiation efficiently in particular regions (bands) of the electromagnetic spectrum; they absorb little or none in other bands and are therefore “transparent” to any radiation in those bands. The above discussion applies to the regions of the spectrum where the gas can absorb radiant energy at 100 percent.

Figure 4: Alternative depiction of the reduction in incremental radiation-absorbing area as the absorbing gas concentration is increased in multiples of the concentration that absorbs 50 percent of the incident radiation. As in Figure 3, successive sets of molecules are indicated by red, orange and yellow with another set added, induced in green, while blue represents the remaining transparent area. (Source of illustration: Jim Mason)

Another aspect – which becomes important in the following section – is that the Earth’s surface temperature varies by location, weather, time of year and time of day. This will affect how much radiant energy goes out in various wavelengths in various places, and the absorbing gas’s absorption capacity. While the theory holds that this does not alter the basic non-linearity of absorption nor the “saturation” phenomenon, it could alter the point at which “C”, or 50 percent absorption, is reached – something that can be tested through experimentation.

Net of all this is that if the theoretical formulation is correct, one would expect to see a curve similar to Figure 1 for any individual greenhouse gas – or combination of gases – and a radiant energy source of any temperature, with the curve’s specific shape depending on the gas and/or mixture of gases and the temperature of the radiant energy source. From such a curve, it would be possible to determine the concentration at which the gas is absorbing 50 percent of the maximum energy that it will absorb when its concentration is increased to a very large value.

The paper that develops this theoretical formulation is entitled Dependence of Earth’s Thermal Radiation on Five Most Abundant Greenhouse Gases and was co-authored in June 2020 by William A. van Wijngaarden and William Happer. It is highly technical and would be very difficult for anyone without a strong background in mathematics and science, ideally physics, to understand. Accordingly, the accompanying figures in this article that illustrate the paper’s key ideas in a format accessible to the layperson were produced by me, using information derived from the paper’s figures and text.

Van Wijngaarden is a professor in the Department of Physics and Astronomy at York University in Toronto with a more-than 40-year academic track record and nearly 300 academic papers to his credit, while Happer is Professor Emeritus of Physics at Princeton University in New Jersey who had a 50-year-long academic career and nearly 200 papers to his credit. Both authors also have numerous related academic achievements, awards and organizational memberships, and have mentored hundreds of graduate students. Happer happens to be an open skeptic of the IPCC/UN climate change “consensus”, while Van Wijngaarden has testified in a court case that the IPCC’s climate models “systematically overstate global warming”, an assertion that is incontrovertibly true.

Although their paper was not peer-reviewed and, to date, has not been published in a major academic journal, and although both scientists have endured smears in news and social media as climate skeptics or “deniers”, there has not been any known attempt to refute their theory following publication, such as by identifying errors in the logic or mathematics of their theoretical formulation. Accordingly, their paper is in my opinion an example of good science: a coherent theory aimed at explaining a known phenomenon using rigorous scientific and mathematical principles and formulae, plus supporting evidence. It is also, critically, one that can be subjected to physical experimentation, i.e., is disprovable, as we shall soon see.

Running hot: William A. van Wijngaarden (top left) and William Happer (top right), two highly credentialed physicists with outstanding academic track records, are among scientists who are openly critical of the IPCC’s accepted climate models which, as 40 years of temperature observations have clearly shown, “systematically overstate global warming”. (Source of bottom graph: CEI.org)

This opinion is supported by the fact that the same phenomenon of non-linearity and absorption saturation, along with an associated equation referred to as the Beer-Lambert Law, is discussed by Thayer Watkins, a mathematician and physicist, and professor emeritus of economics at San José State University. “In order to properly understand the greenhouse effect one must take into account the nonlinearity of the effect of increased concentration of greenhouse gases,” Watkins notes. “The source of the nonlinearity may be thought of in terms of a saturation of the absorption capacity of the atmosphere in particular frequency bands.”

Subjecting the LWR Absorption Theory to Experimentation – Or, Science the Way it Should be Done

The second paper was published in March of this year and reports on experiments conducted to test van Wijngaarden and Happer’s theory, in accordance with the standard scientific method, using several different greenhouse gases. If the experiments were properly designed to realistically duplicate natural processes and if they then generated results inconsistent with the theory, then the van Wijngaarden/Happer theory could be considered disproved. If the experiments produced results consistent with the theory, the theory would not be proved but would increase in plausibility and justify further experimentation.

The experimental setup is depicted in Figure 5. It was designed to allow the concentration of COwithin a column of gas (in kilograms per square metre of column area, or kg/m2) to be varied in a controlled way and to measure the fraction of the incident radiation that is absorbed at any concentration. The “column” of gas was contained within a cylinder comprised of a 1-metre length of 150 mm diameter PVC pipe, with polyethylene windows at either end to allow ingress and egress of the radiation. CO2 concentration was changed by injecting measured amounts of the gas via a central valve. Water valves on the cylinder bottom were used to allow an identical volume of gas to escape, thereby maintaining the pressure in the cell. (The background gases into which the CO2 was mixed are unimportant since these remained constant, with only the COconcentration varied.)

Figure 5: Diagram of the laboratory setup for measuring the absorption of thermal radiation in CO2. (Source of illustration: Climatic consequences of the process of saturation of radiation absorption in gases, Figure 7)

The radiation source was a glass vessel with a flat side containing oil maintained at a constant temperature. Adjacent to the flat side was a copper plate with a graphite surface facing the gas cell. This ensured that the radiant source, as seen by the cell, was uniform in temperature over the cross-section of the cell and had the radiation profile of a black body at the chosen temperature. The selected temperatures of 78.6°C and 109.5°C were, states the paper, “chosen randomly but in a manner that allowed reliable measurement of radiation intensity and demonstrated the influence of temperature on the saturation mass value.”

Results for CO2 are illustrated in Figure 6, which is taken directly from the paper. The two selected temperatures are separately graphed. Figure 6 clearly shows experimental curves that are qualitatively the same as the theoretical curve in Figure 1 derived from van Wijngaarden/Happer’s paper and the equation noted in Watkins’ website discussion. From the graph it is possible to determine that the concentration of CO2 that results in absorption of 50 percent of the absorbable radiation – the value of C introduced earlier – is about 0.04 kg/m2 for a LWR temperature of 78.6 °C (the one that is closer to the actual average temperature of the Earth’s surface, which NASA lists as 15 °C).

Figure 6: Absorption of incident radiation versus concentration of CO2, with concentration expressed as a weight per cross-sectional area of atmospheric column (kg/m2), using two experimental LWR temperatures. Absorption is effectively measured as the fraction of the total incident radiation that is absorbed in the test column, which is determined by comparing it to an identical test column that maintains the zero-point concentration throughout. The reason that A saturates at less than 1 is because there are many wavelengths in the incident radiation that CO2 does not absorb, which pass through the column regardless of the CO2 concentration, with only the other wavelengths being absorbed. (Source of graph and mathematical formula: Climatic consequences of the process of saturation of radiation absorption in gases, Figure 8)

As the paper notes, the chosen temperatures, while higher than the Earth’s mean surface temperature, facilitate reliable measurements of the radiation intensities and clearly show the effect of temperature on the saturation mass value or, equivalently, the value of C. Specifically, the graphs clearly show that the value of C decreases as the temperature of the radiant source decreases (although with only two points, the nature of the relationship cannot be reliably determined). The implications are discussed in the following section.

This experimental paper is entitled Climatic consequences of the process of saturation of radiation absorption in gases and was co-authored by Jan Kubicki, Krzysztof Kopczyński and Jarosław Młyńczak. It was published in the journal Applications in Engineering Science and cites copious sources, though it does not appear to have been peer-reviewed. Kubicki is an assistant professor in the Institute of Optoelectronics in the Military University of Technology in Warsaw, Poland. Kopczyński appears to be a colleague at the same institution specializing in the atmospheric distribution of aerosols, while Młyńczak is an adjunct professor at the same institution. All three have authored or co-authored a number of scientific papers.

Is CO2 Even Capable of Driving Global Temperatures Higher?

According to a reputable atmospheric tracking website, on September 2, 2024 the Earth’s atmospheric CO2concentration was 422.78 parts per million (ppm). Each ppm worldwide equates to a total atmospheric weight of 7.82 gigatonnes (Gt). The cited concentration therefore amounts to 3,300 Gt of CO2 in the Earth’s atmosphere. Since the Earth’s surface area is 5.1 x 1014 m2, assuming a uniform CO2 distribution, this concentration can be translated into the units used in the above-cited experiment as 6.48 kg/m2 across the Earth’s surface.

This figure might appear at first glance to be a misprint, as 6.48 kg/m2 is approximately 160 times the CO2 C value of 0.04 kg/m2 – the concentration that absorbs 50 percent of the incident LWR. Six-point-six times the C value – the level that absorbs 99 percent of the incident LWR – is still only 0.264 kg/m2. Beyond this, further increases in gas concentration have no impact on absorption or, hence, on temperature. The Earth’s current concentration of CO2 is, accordingly, over 24 times as high as what is needed to achieve the 99 percent absorption value established by experimentation.

Long past the point of change? The Earth’s currently estimated CO2 concentration of 422.78 parts per million (ppm) is 27 times the estimated CO2 saturation level; even in the pre-Industrial era, CO2 concentrations were more than 12 times that level, suggesting the current rise in CO2 concentration is incapable of driving global temperature. (Source of graph: climate.gov)

The implications of this are quite staggering. According to climate.gov, the CO2 concentration in the pre-Industrial era was 280 ppm and prior to that it oscillated between about 180 ppm and 280 ppm. This means that even the pre-Industrial CO2 concentrations were between 64 and 100 times the C value, as well as being more than 10 times the concentrations needed to reach 99 percent absorption. The CO2 concentration, then, was saturated multiple times over with respect to LWR absorption. A glance back at Figure 2 once again makes it clear that at neither of these COconcentration ranges (covering present times and the pre-Industrial era) were the changes to CO2 concentration capable of having any substantive impact on the amount of LWR being absorbed or, consequently, on atmospheric temperatures – let alone the Earth’s whole climate.

Further, they probably never did. According to the published paper Geocarb III: A Revised Model of Atmospheric CO2 Over Phanerozoic Time, the COconcentration has never been less than 180 ppm during the so-called Phanerozoic Eon, which is the entire time during which all the rock layers in the geological column, from the Cambrian upwards, were deposited. So there has never been any point during this significant span of Earth’s history when the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere was not “saturated” from a LWR absorption perspective. Consequently, throughout that entire period, if the new theory and recent experimentation are correct, changes in COconcentration have been incapable of having any discernible impact on the amount of LWR absorbed by the atmosphere – or, accordingly, on the global climate.

It’s true that increasing CO2 concentration could be capable of driving global atmospheric temperature higher – but only if it began at vastly lower concentrations than exist at present or at any known previous time. If such a time ever existed, it is long past. At the current order of magnitude in its concentration, CO2 simply appears not to be a factor. If further experimentation also generates results consistent with the van Wijngaarden/Happer theory, it would appear that COis incapable of having any impact on atmospheric temperature at all. It cannot, accordingly, be the primary source of “global warming” or “climate change”, let alone of a “climate emergency” or “global boiling”.

While experimental results consistent with a theory do not prove the theory to be true, and replication of the initial results by the three Polish researchers would be very desirable, the experimental results to date are certainly inconsistent with the current ruling paradigm that CO2 emissions from the burning of fossil fuels are the cause of current climate change and, indeed, that the effect of each increase in concentration is accelerating. According to the rules of decision-making in science, unless the experiment can be shown to be mal-designed or fraudulent, the inconsistency between experiment and theory proves, scientifically, that the current paradigm is false.

The incidence and recession of the Ice Age (top), the Medieval Warm Period (bottom left) and the more recent Little Ice Age (bottom right) are just a few examples of global temperature fluctuations that happened independently of the current era’s burning of fossil fuels or increasing CO2 levels. Shown at top, northern mammoths exhibit at the American Museum of Natural History’s Hall of North American Mammals; bottom left, peasants working on the fields next to the Medieval Louvre Castle, from The Very Rich Hours of the Duke of Berry, circa 1410; bottom right, Enjoying the Ice, by Hendrick Avercamp, circa 1615-1620. (Source of top photo: wallyg, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Moreover, the new theory and experimental result are consistent with numerous empirical observations that are also inconsistent with the ruling IPCC/climate movement paradigm. Examples abound: the occurrence and recession of the Ice Age, the appearance and disappearance of the Roman and Medieval Warm Periods and the Little Ice Age – all without any CO2 from the burning of fossil fuels – the steady decline in atmospheric temperatures from 1940 to 1975 while CO2 levels steadily increased, and the relative flattening of atmospheric temperatures since about 2000 despite CO2 levels continuing to increase. But if the level of CO2 in the atmosphere has long been above “saturation”, then its variations have no real impact on the climate – as these observations indicate – and something else must have caused these climate variations.

To this can be added the failed predictions of the temperature models and of the dire consequences of not preventing further CO2 increases – such as the polar bears going extinct, the Arctic being free of ice, or Manhattan being covered by water, to list just a few. But again, if the atmosphere has long been CO2-saturated with respect to LWR absorption, then the additional CO2 will have no effect on the climate, which is what the failure of the predictions also indicates.

These results, at the very least, ought to give Climaggedonites pause, although probably they won’t. For the rest of us, they strongly suggest that EVs are a solution in search of a problem. It may be that the technology has a place. The alleged simplicity ought to have spinoff advantages, although the alleged spontaneous combustibility might offset these, and the alleged financial benefit might be simply the consequence of government subsidies. Left to its own devices, without government ideological distortions, the free marketplace would sort all this out.

Climate scare à la carte. (Source of screenshots: CEI.org)

More importantly, these results ought to cause politicians to re-examine their climate-related polices. As van Wijngaarden and Happer put it in their paper, “At current concentrations, the forcings from all greenhouse gases are saturated. The saturations of the abundant greenhouse gases H2O and CO2 are so extreme that the per-molecule forcing is attenuated by four orders of magnitude…” The term “forcings” refers to a complicated concept but, at bottom, signifies the ability (or lack) to influence the Earth’s energy balance. The words “forcings…are saturated” could be restated crudely in layperson’s terms as, “CO2 is impotent.”

Kubicki, Kopczyński and Młyńczak are even more blunt. “The presented material shows that despite the fact that the majority of publications attempt to depict a catastrophic future for our planet due to the anthropogenic increase in CO2 and its impact on Earth’s climate, the shown facts raise serious doubts about this influence,” the three Polish co-authors write in their experimental paper. “In science, especially in the natural sciences, we should strive to present a true picture of reality, primarily through empirical knowledge.”

If, indeed, the CO2 concentration in the Earth’s atmosphere is well beyond the level where increases are causing additional LWR to be absorbed and, as a consequence, changing the climate, then all government policies intended to reduce/eliminate CO2 emissions in order to stop climate change are just as effective as King Canute’s efforts to stop the tides. The only difference being that Canute was aware of the futility.

Jim Mason holds a BSc in engineering physics and a PhD in experimental nuclear physics. His doctoral research and much of his career involved extensive analysis of “noisy” data to extract useful information, which was then further analyzed to identify meaningful relationships indicative of underlying causes. He is currently retired and living near Lakefield, Ontario.

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C2C Journal

Resistance Theory: The Freedom Convoy’s Place in our Divided History

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If there is a politico-historical thread running from Louis Riel and the buffalo-hunting Métis rebels in Confederation-era Manitoba, via Ottawa’s creation of three second-class Prairie provinces, followed by decades of friction over resource ownership and taxation, all the way to the convoys of diesel-powered trucks that rumbled into Ottawa to protest federal vaccine mandates in the winter of 2022, few have taken note. David Solway is one. As the main convoy leaders await a court verdict, Solway is taking the long view. He asserts that the truckers’ protest is a powerful contemporary manifestation of a recurring theme – perhaps the defining theme – of how Canada is governed, and to whose benefit. But while Canada’s late-19th century leaders were flawed men who made mistakes, Solway finds, the country’s current federal leadership appears outright bent on destruction.

Canadian society has evolved since 1867, but the basic outline of our national political institutions has not. As was the case in 1867, these institutions still lack the capacity to accommodate regional circumstances and regional equality.

The winter 2022 truckers’ protest against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s punitive vaccine mandates that shook Canada to its foundations no longer dominates the headlines. But it remains in public consciousness. Prominent protest members were recently convicted or are still on trial. Its implications are still with us and its long-term effects may well be seismic. The Freedom Convoy traversed the country from Prince Rupert, British Columbia to the nation’s capital in Ottawa to protest the biggest experiment ever in authoritarian rule over Canadians. The truckers and their fellow convoy travellers demanded the attention of a disgraceful prime minister, the abolition of the vaccine mandates, and the restoration of the tenets of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms that had been abused by the prime minister, his cabinet, his bought-and-paid for media mercenaries, and his penchant judiciary.

Writing in C2C Journal, Gwyn Morgan reviews the origins of the event: “Just as the provinces were ending restrictions on the unvaccinated, the Prime Minister proclaimed that returning unvaccinated truckers would be required to ‘quarantine’ for two weeks, a condition that would be impossible to meet.” After two years of dutifully serving their country, Morgan writes, “the truckers were to be thrown out of work – cast aside like unneeded accoutrements.”

The February 2022 Freedom Convoy sought an audience with the prime minister to push for the reversal of vaccine mandates, but while the protest was entirely peaceful and at times even festive, the truckers faced harsh treatment; many were arrested and some remain in prison today. (Sources of photos: (top left) Emilijaknezevic, licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0; (top right and middle) Maksim Sokolov (Maxergon), licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0; (bottom) Ross Dunn, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0)

In reaction to official disregard amounting to scorn, vast columns of rigs and trucks “drove along thousands of kilometres of wintery roads to converge upon the nation’s Capital to protest in front of its Parliament buildings. The atmosphere was peaceful, even celebratory. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau refused to meet with the blue-collar truckers, whom he slandered as vandals, racists, misogynists, antisemites, and more,” finally invoking the never-before-used Emergencies Act (successor to the almost-never-used War Measures Act) to crush the protesters.

Two years later, little has changed in Canada. Coming to the defence of a trucker, Jay Vanderwier, who had parked his rig during the protest where police had directed him, who later submitted peacefully to an arrest done unnecessarily at gunpoint, and who was recently convicted of two criminal counts of mischief by a pliable, Liberal-friendly judiciary, former Conservative MP Derek Sloan recalls that when other protesters have come to Ottawa, mainly First Nations officials, “Trudeau would gladly meet them, take a knee, drop the flag to half-mast for months on end, issue endless apologies, and more. But when these honest, hard-working Canadians came to Ottawa, he showed nothing but contempt. [H]e tried to paint them as violent extremists and seditionists.” Though less famous than protesters Tamara Lich, Chris Barber or Pat King, Vanderwier – like other equally unsung protesters – was just as committed, put just as much at risk and has suffered similarly.

Not a glowing CV: Having “never done what most people would consider a full day’s work in his life,” Justin Trudeau’s pre-office record of achievement featured being a substitute drama teacher and snowboard instructor with an apparent passion for costume parties.

And Trudeau is still on the warpath. This is a prime minister, says former Calgary Herald editor David Marsden with considerable justification, who has “never done what most people would consider a full day’s work in his life.” He certainly never sat in the cab of a semi. He certainly never raised cattle, worked on a farm, hauled timber, fished the rivers, or risked his life on an oil rig. He never tried to start a restaurant or open a business. He’s never had to meet a payroll when money was tight, or negotiate with investors and creditors. He has never excelled in any professional capacity. He has never brought a new product to market, or sold anything except his own brand. The son of a former prime minister and the beneficiary of a family trust, he did a stint of substitute teaching and was a snowboard instructor. Not a glowing CV.

“The prime minister doesn’t like Alberta,” Marsden continues, “His government policies have been designed to bring the province to its knees. He swallowed the Pollyanna spittle [about green energy saving the world] being peddled by his environment minister,” the ineffable Steven Guilbeault who, along with deputy prime minister Chrystia Freeland, is part of the figurative three-headed Cerberus that guards the gates of Canada’s political underworld.

In essence, Trudeau is the perfect exemplar of the Eastern anointed class, the so-called Laurentian Elite (or Laurentian Consensus)a term coined in its modern sense a dozen years ago by John Ibbitson in the Literary Review of Canada and elaborated in his book, The Big Shift, co-authored with Darrell Bricker. Defined as “the political, academic, cultural, media and business elites” of central-east Canada, the term draws upon the much older “Laurentian School” of thought concerning Canada’s founding structure and originating purpose developed by mainstream (Eastern Canadian) historians like Donald Creighton. Ibbitson floated an early and rather exaggerated conviction of Laurentian collapse at a time when Justin Trudeau was a Liberal apparition planning his triumphal future and that of his Laurentian cohorts. Interestingly, The Big Shift was reprinted in 2014. One year later Trudeau swept into power, completely invalidating the book’s thesis.

Ibbitson is a parenthetical figure, a Globe and Mail journalist, whose relevance resides in the useful neologism he provided and in his status as a representative and influential Laurentian himself, as essay and book make clear. Ibbitson acknowledged that the Western provinces had been treated as “semi-colonial possessions” rather than equal members in Confederation. But he thought all had changed. “The West is in,” Ibbitson declared. “In fact, it is in charge.” This was his assessment of the effect of Stephen Harper’s Conservative government – which has proven utterly ephemeral. Harper may have been “Canada’s First Post-Laurentian Prime Minister”, as claimed in this journal, but it was not to last. Under Trudeau, the West is as out as it’s ever been. And the country as a political entity is less Canadian than it’s ever been. The Laurentian cabal lords over us still, dominant and unaccommodating.

“The West is in,” declared Toronto Globe and Mail columnist John Ibbitson in The Big Shift; his thesis proved to be premature, exaggerated and even invalid after Trudeau came to power, re-establishing the Laurentian approach to national governance.

Writing in the National Post, John Weissenberger has no doubt of the fact. “The Laurentian Elite were Upper Canadian Anglo-Protestants and Québécois Patricians, and their descendants still dominate the upper strata of politics, the bureaucracy, Crown corporations and agencies, academia and media,” the Montreal-born Alberta geologist wrote. The current generation of Laurentians, he notes, “Largely reflect the universal, broadly-leftist monoculture.” They are with us like a dirty shirt. Their “torpor and complacency,” however, “coupled with an increasingly arrogant detachment from many ordinary Canadians, particularly those outside central Canada, caused repeated social and political rifts.” The truckers’ protest was among the most physical of these – and could prove the most momentous.

Disdainful of the hardworking, energetic and still somewhat rural-based West, Trudeau, a gilt-edged Laurentian aristocrat, represents precisely what the problem is with this country. We might say that he and his fellow aristocrats are the “first cause” of the truckers’ revolt, which he has done everything in his power to malign and punish. Absent Trudeau and his nasty, ill-advised and unnecessary Covid-19 policies, the trucks would never have rolled.

Louis Riel Would Have Understood the Truckers

To properly understand the truckers’ opposition to the Trudeau Liberals’ vaccine mandate, we need to go back to Canada’s beginnings. The British North America Act of 1867 (later renamed the Constitution Act, 1867) recognized a self-governing Dominion comprising a rump Quebec and Ontario and the Maritime provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. What was known as Rupert’s Land covered the vast extent of the interior landmass, including what later became Manitoba (1870) and Saskatchewan (1905). Alberta (1905) was carved out from both Rupert’s Land and the adjacent North-Western Territory.

The administrative core of the new country, however, was found in the centre-east with its capital in the backwater town of Ottawa. As we have seen, what came to be known as the Laurentian Compact exercised political and economic control of the fledgling nation and, as noted, remains the administrative, political and financial power-centre to this day.

In 1867, the newly created, self-governing Dominion of Canada included several provinces, soon followed by the purchase of Rupert’s Land (left map), parts of which later became the second-class provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta; political and economic control over the young nation rested in the hands of the Laurentian Compact, the elite based in the St. Lawrence River watershed (right map). (Source of maps: (left) Golbez, licensed under CC BY 2.5; (right) Kmusser, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.5)

To understand in yet greater detail the gravamen of the truckers’ protest, one must return specifically to the period between 1869 and 1885. These years saw the Red River Rebellion and the subsequent North-West Rebellion, studied in meticulous, close-packed detail in George Stanley’s magisterial The Birth of Western Canada: A History of the Riel Rebellions and Tom Flanagan’s illuminating essay in The Dorchester Review.

When the newly installed Canadian federal government took formal control of Rupert’s Land in 1870, it did not consult with the indigenous Métis, aka the Bois-Brûlé population (children of the union between First Nations women and French and English trappers). Local resentment at being passed over led eventually, under the leadership of Louis Riel, to a Métis uprising, resulting in the formation of a provisional government for purposes of negotiation with Ottawa regarding terms of entry into the Canadian Confederation.

This initiative did not work out well and the Métis did not flourish under the new dispensation. In the course of time a large proportion of Métis lost title to their land, which ultimately contributed to the bloody North-West Resistance of 1885, culminating in the total victory of the federal government, a string of executions including that of Riel, and the further deterioration of relations between the Prairie West and central Canada, which continues to this day. There were, of course, atrocities on both sides, but there is no doubt that the Métis got the short end of the stick.

Canada’s newly established federal government failed to consult with the Métis population of Rupert’s Land, which triggered an uprising under Louis Riel (left) and eventually the bloody North-West Resistance, which was crushed by federal troops. Shown at right, the Battle of Batoche during the North-West Rebellion. (Source of left photo: Manitoba Historical Society Archives)

In his 1954 book Social Credit and Federal Power in Canada, political scientist James Mallory described the Prairie additions as “provinces in the Roman sense.” (According to the Oxford Classical Dictionary, the origin of the term is obscure, “mistakenly derived from pro + vincere [vanquished] by Roman antiquarians. Its basic meaning is the sphere in which a magistrate is to function.” In his recent C2C essay on Alberta’s future, University of Calgary professor Barry Cooper went with the more martial version of the disputed etymology.) In our terms, the Prairie provinces were regions dominated by the ruling, administrative centre to whom they owed fealty and paid tribute. Parsing Mallory, Cooper explains: “Ottawa acted as a new Rome on the Rideau. The territories (and soon-to-be second-class provinces)…existed to strengthen and benefit Laurentian Canada by analogy with Roman Italy, and to enrich its leading citizens.”

Here we must refer to the record of the influential Sir Clifford Sifton in the years 1895-1905. As J.W. Dafoe writes in his biography, CLIFFORD SIFTON in Relation to HIS TIMES, Sifton was a major figure in early Canadian affairs, joining Wilfrid Laurier’s Liberal government in 1896. He became federal Minister of the Interior and Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, responsible for immigration and settlement of the Prairies. Under his leadership, immigration to the Prairie West increased from 16,835 in 1896 to 141,465 in 1905. Against attacks by English-speaking Canadians who feared that immigrants from eastern and central Europe would be a threat to their culture and livelihood, Sifton famously defended the “stalwart peasants in sheep-skin coats” who were turning some of the most difficult areas of the West into productive farms. Sifton touted the phrase the “Last Best West” to market the Canadian Prairies to prospective immigrants.

But there was another side to Sifton which also needs to be conceded. According to the Alberta Prosperity Project, Alberta and the Prairie West have gotten a raw deal from the central establishment since their inception as part of the Dominion. The editors quote Sifton’s speech to Parliament during its 1904 session: “We desire, and all Canadian Patriots desire, that the great trade of the prairies shall go to enrich our people to the East, to build up our factories and our places of work, and in every legitimate way to our prosperity.” As former military engineer and warrant officer Tex Leugner commented in the Cochrane Eagle, “Note the phrase ‘to enrich our own people in the East’! How prophetic Sifton was in laying the groundwork for the theft that has gone on unabated since 1905.”

The Laurentian view, crystallized: Sir Clifford Sifton, Minister of the Interior and Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, famously defended the “stalwart peasants in sheep-skin coats” who were used to settle the Prairies and whose trade “shall go to enrich our people to the East.” (Sources of photos: (left) Library and Archives Canada/PA-27943; (right) Library and Archives Canada/C-000681)

The question was also examined by Mabel F. Timlin in a paper titled Canada’s Immigration Policy, 1896-1910printed in the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science (Vol. XXVI, No. 4, November 1960, pp. 517-532). Timlin cites Sifton’s letter of April 15, 1901 to Laurier in which Sifton advocates the importance of “encouraging immigration for the development of natural resources and the increase in production of wealth from these resources.” The wealth so generated comes to rest mainly in the coffers and consortiums of the East. The intimation is disturbing. Sifton was a man of the West, the de facto founder of the province of Manitoba. At the same time, he was also a man of the East, working to enrich its power and economic nexus. A veritable Jekyll and Hyde, Sifton is a symbol of a divided Canada, a country that has not yet decided what it wants to be.

The Modern-Day Laurentian Economic Model

Commenting on the present imbroglio in which the country finds itself, Leugner takes issue with Laurentian profiteering and self-aggrandizement specifically in the form of Canada’s so-called “Equalization” program. The federal government describes it as a means “for addressing fiscal disparities among provinces”; equalization works by indirectly transferring revenues drawn from the taxpayers of more-productive and higher-income provinces to less prosperous provincial governments.

One can see the intrinsic problem for a country where some jurisdictions perennially lag and others consistently out-perform. Alberta’s average equalization contribution is substantially over-leveraged. According to the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, equalization has cost Alberta taxpayers $67 billion since its inception in 1957, making the cost of equalization per Albertan $20,200 since 1957; in 2021, equalization overall cost Alberta taxpayers $2.9 billion. The Fraser Institute pegs the 2017 net outflow at $3.1 billion. Estimates may vary but remain within the same ballpark.

Since the inception of Canada’s equalization program in 1957, Alberta has made a net contribution of $67 billion – which in turn represents only a small part of the province’s immense financial contribution to federal coffers and the governments and residents of other provinces.

Even more significantly, the Fraser Institute notes that the equalization drain represents “just a small part of the province’s outsized contribution to confederation in recent years.” It calculates that “the gap between Albertans’ contribution to federal revenues and federal expenditures plus transfers to the province, totalled $20.5 billion annually in 2017/18. And this measure excludes Albertans’ disproportionate cumulative contribution to the Canada Pension Plan, which on net totalled $2.9 billion in 2017.”

Meanwhile, as Alberta is being plundered, Justin Trudeau, like his father Pierre, is doing everything in his power to eviscerate Alberta’s energy industry, the source of its prosperity and of Canada’s solvency. Indeed, the recently completed Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion, shipping oil at last after a horrendous nearly 15-year gestation, is slated to contribute 0.25 percent to Canada’s GDP growth next year – more, indeed, than the entire province of B.C. Leugner concludes, despairingly: “It is my opinion that Canada, as it’s currently structured, is a broken nation.” This from a veteran, much-deployed officer in the Canadian military.

“The province that carries most of the weight, bears the most pain”: Alberta’s oil and natural gas industry and entire economy were devastated by the taxes and regulations of Pierre Trudeau’s (top) 1980 National Energy Program; today Alberta’s burden is amplified by the younger Trudeau’s onerous carbon tax. Shown at bottom, a pro-pipeline demonstration in Calgary, Alberta. (Source of bottom photo: The Canadian Press/Jeff McIntosh)

The Prairies are Canada’s food and energy breadbasket and have suffered under the rule of Eastern Canada’s Laurentian peerage, particularly with former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s low-pricing, high-taxing National Energy Program (NEP) in 1980, which devastated Alberta’s oil industry and entire economy. Justin Trudeau is picking up where his father left off, slapping an onerous carbon tax on the nation that has already pulverized the national economy and has proved especially costly to Prairie agriculture and energy production. As the late Rex Murphy wrote in the National Post, Alberta is “the province that carries most of the weight, bears the most pain and has the least say in this mad enterprise.”

The tax, Murphy continued, will “injure the very farmers who have been stocking the supermarket shelves during COVID, put oil workers (at least those who still have jobs) out of work, and increase the cost of living for everyone…This new carbon tax will throw a spike in the heart of the oil and gas industry. Keep in mind that it is but the most recent in a long string of policies designed to hamstring the industry, block its exports and drive investment out of the province.”

The Enduring Meaning of the Truckers’ Protest

Section 92A [of the Constitution Act] confirms the constitutional foundation for provincial natural resource management and a significant role in natural resource trade and anchors Alberta’s energy resource economic strength. This is Peter Lougheed’s economic legacy for Alberta.

This is how we need to understand the truckers’ massive 2022 protest, nominally a form of domestic resistance against the vaccine mandates that crippled their health and their livelihoods, as it did the nation in large. But it is fundamentally an expression of the greater historical context of Eastern political, legislative and market domination of the Western provinciae and the determined response of a long misprized, undervalued and misrepresented sector of the nation, rising up against the metaphorical equivalent of the federal government’s 1885 land grab.

Resistance is continuing to mount. The province of Saskatchewan has refused to pay the federal government’s carbon levy and has just been granted an injunction to stop the Canada Revenue Agency from simply garnisheeing the (mounting) outstanding sum. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s UCP government introduced and quickly passed the Alberta Sovereignty Within a United Canada Act in response to proposed federal net-zero electricity grid regulations and other recurring intrusions on the province’s core jurisdictions. “We are left with no choice but to create a shield to protect Albertans from Ottawa’s dangerous and unconstitutional electricity regulations,” Smith said at the time. She has also proposed an Alberta Crown Corporation that would be wholly owned by the province and over which the federal government could exert no control, which would function as a market generator.

To defend against the federal government’s ongoing intrusions on Alberta’s constitutional jurisdiction, Danielle Smith’s (top) UCP government passed the Alberta Sovereignty Within a United Canada Act – a “shield to protect Albertans from Ottawa’s dangerous and unconstitutional electricity regulation.” Shown at bottom, supporters of the Sovereignty Act gather in Edmonton, Alberta, December 2022. (Sources of photos: (top) Alberta Newsroom, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0; (bottom) Caleb Perreaux/CBC)

As to be expected, the Sovereignty Act has been denounced by all the usual Laurentian suspects and Liberal toadies: the CBC, The Globe and Mail, the Toronto Star and many others. No matter. The aforementioned Barry Cooper places Alberta’s Sovereignty Act in the context of the Prairie provinces’ long struggle for due constitutional recognition and the political equality of their citizens. And he is right. The germ of the issue goes back to the unequal founding of Canada as a Confederation and is now culminating in manifestations like the Freedom Convoy and its consequences, Saskatchewan’s defiance of Trudeau’s carbon tax and Alberta’s long-deferred Sovereignty Act.

The truckers’ Freedom Convoy was not just a desperate response to the Trudeau government’s ruinous vaccine mandate but, the author believes, a historically significant attempt to restore the political balance between Eastern and Western Canada. (Source of photo: Maksim Sokolov (Maxergon), licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0)

The Canadian Constitution establishes that the federal Parliament deals mainly with issues that concern the country as a whole, including inter-provincial trade, national defence, criminal law, money, patents, and the postal service, whereas the provinces have the authority to make laws about education, property, civil rights, the administration of justice, hospitals, municipalities, and other local or private matters. Lands and resources within or lying beneath provinces are also clearly-stated areas of provincial jurisdiction and ownership. Pointedly, “Crown” lands are almost always owned by the Crown in right of the province within which they fall.

The federal government has no business intruding on the rights of the provincial domain as guaranteed by the Constitution. But under Trudeau the Younger, that is virtually all it does. Ottawa has gone even further in moving to centralize political control in the Prime Minister’s Office rather than respecting provincial jurisdiction.

The truckers’ response to the federal usurpation of plenary authority under cover of a pandemic was in the last analysis an attempt to right the political, economic and administrative balance between Eastern and Western Canada. Laurentian hegemony had to be cut down to size, and though it appeared that the federal power had once again – as in the 1885 hecatomb of the Prairie rebels – won the day, routing the truckers, confiscating vehicles, freezing bank accounts, imprisoning its leaders and mobilizing the legacy media to blanket the nation with lies, the aftermath was an awakened and defiant Western Canada, an almost universally hated prime minister, a Liberal party on the ropes, and a gradual vindication of the Truckers’ bravery and suffering in an honourable and democratic cause.

Justice is now Being Served

Let not my people be held at ransom.

Let them thrive, let them be defended.

—Louis Riel, from Selected Poetry of Louis Riel

“The North-West Rebellion was far more important in its results than in itself,” wrote the aforementioned George Stanley in The Birth of Western Canada. The truckers’ descent upon Ottawa is one of those later results of the Red River Rebellion that Stanley had considered to be of enduring significance. The analogy suggested by the reliable trucker supply chain over the years and during the pandemic, namely, of the West feeding the East with comestibles, goods and energy, should have been obvious to any observant person. Justice is now being served. The protest inspired confidence in its purpose, exposed the federal government as an authoritarian leviathan, and led to the responses that we are witnessing in Alberta and Saskatchewan.

At this historic juncture, the Laurentian elite must agree to terms and make peace with the Prairie West if both are to become true partners in a renovated Confederation. At the moment, the most important city in Canada is not to be found in the Laurentian triangle of Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa. Despite its current problems with an unpopular mayor and a compromised infrastructure, the most important city in Canada today is Calgary, not only the home of the world-famous Calgary Stampede, but also “the epicenter of the energy industry in Canada with head offices of every major company…located in the city,” as an upcoming global energy conference describes it.

The nation’s most important city, the author argues, is not Ottawa, Toronto or Montreal, but Calgary – home of the world-famous Calgary Stampede and “the epicenter of the energy industry in Canada with head offices of every major company.” (Sources of photos (clockwise starting top-left): micha_dauber, licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0Gnosis, licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0Ron Cogswell from Arlington, Virginia, USA, licensed under CC BY 2.0; JHVEPhoto/Shutterstock)

The irony is exquisite. Should the respective powers and responsibilities of federal and provincial authority be clarified and genuinely ratified, should a fair distribution of obligations and prerogatives between Ottawa and the Western capitals be arrived at, the truckers may yet have saved the country from its downward spiral and helped to create the just and equable Canada that it should have been from the beginning. As the above-quoted Savoie writes in Democracy in Canada, “Canada was born to break the political deadlock between Canada West and Canada East.”

It was a long road from Prince Rupert to Ottawa, but a road, as it turns out, that had to be travelled.

David Solway’s latest prose book is Crossing the Jordan: On Judaism, Islam, and the West (New English Review Press, 2023)A new poetry chapbook, From the Sommelier’s Notebook, was released in July 2024 (Little Nightingale Press). Solway has produced two CDs of original songs: Blood Guitar and Other Tales (2014) and Partial to Cain (2019) on which he is accompanied by his pianist wife Janice Fiamengo. A third CD, The Dark, is in planning.

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C2C Journal

The Anti-Capitalist Dictionary: How to Read Between the Lies

Published on

From the C2C Journal

By Peter Shawn Taylor

“Environmental racism” is frequently tossed about Canadian society these days. But what does it actually mean? It’s not about favouring white spruce trees over black spruce trees. Rather, it involves the twisting of basic economic principles into a vicious, politically loaded accusation. The same sense of confusion is sown with other linguistic tricks such as “organizational elder abuse”, “excessive net profits”, “renovictions” and “stakeholder capitalism”. As left-wing politicians and activists seek to redefine fundamental economic and financial concepts as malign forces and to recast socialist objectives as free-market values, Peter Shawn Taylor offers puzzled readers a practical guide to navigating the etymological fog.

‘When I use a word,’ Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, ‘it means just what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less.’

—Alice Through the Looking Glass, by Lewis Carroll

Words can be like tiny doses of arsenic; they are swallowed unnoticed, appear to have no effect, and then after a little time the toxic reaction sets in after all.” That is how Victor Klemperer, a German Jew who miraculously survived Hitler’s Germany, described the Nazi regime’s manipulation of words and their meaning in his 1957 book The Language of the Third Reich. The endless public repetition of fascist idioms and phrases regarding race, duty and country, Klemperer argued, turned the German population into unthinking servants of the Nazi cause.

The approach in the Soviet Union was different in tactics but no less destructive. “Total power over the Word gives the Master of the Word a magical power over all communications,” wrote Russian historian Mikhail Heller in his 1988 book Cogs in the Wheel: The Formation of Soviet Man. By using fear and intimidation to control what its citizens could say, the Communist regime was able to control what they thought as well. “The Soviet language became the most important means of preventing people from acquiring more knowledge than the state wished,” explained Heller.

The power of words: As Holocaust survivor Victor Klemperer described in his book The Language of the Third Reich, the endless repetition of Nazi slogans and idioms about race and duty turned the German people into unthinking automatons in service to Adolf Hitler’s fascist regime.

Western democracies crushed Nazism and then faced down the Soviet Empire through intense military and economic competition as well as the promise of freedom. Today, however, these forces of linguistic control are again being wielded by propagandists embedded deep within our own society. It is now common for words to be assigned meanings that either signify the opposite of what they once did, or are bastardized in some way as to be unmoored from any permanent or coherent definition. And always with political purpose.

The redefinition of sex as socially-constructed gender and the creation of a multiplicity of gender identities – enforced by intense institutional pressure but lacking any scientific evidence or logic – is just one example of this destructive wordplay. The poisonous concept of “anti-racism”, which has become cover for the implementation of many explicitly racist policies, is another.

As Trent University historian Christopher Dummitt recently pointed out in the National Post, a blizzard of new terms has been invented to remove the concept of personal responsibility from all public discourse. The homeless, once “vagrants”, are now referred to as “the unsheltered”, the free distribution of harmful illegal drugs has become “harm reduction”, and self-administered drug overdoses have been rebranded as “accidental poisonings”.

Everyone’s a victim. As Trent University historian Christopher Dummitt (bottom) has pointed out, current terminology regarding drug use erases any sense of personal responsibility; the free distribution of harmful illegal drugs is now called “harm reduction” and self-administered overdoses are “accidental poisonings”. (Sources of photos: (top) Ted’s photos – Stand With Ukraine, licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0; (bottom) Christopher Dummitt)

The underlying purpose, Dummitt explains, is ideological. “The intention is clear: to remove stigma and any overt suggestion of personal responsibility,” he wrote. “The new names are meant to reorient our thinking so that we understand that the real causes of misfortune to be societal or systemic. If a word has shameful connotations, that seems to be enough to warrant change.”

The same conceptual reorganization is at play with how Canadians discuss fundamental economic and intellectual concepts as well. What were once benign notions of markets, entrepreneurship and the free exchange of ideas, goods and services have been corrupted and/or smeared by the left in the same way that personal responsibility has been erased from public conversations through the appearance of new words and meanings for drug use and other individual failings.

With this damaging process threatening the very conception of private property and individual economic freedom, C2C Journal has curated a list of 11 terms currently being used propagandistically by the left. It includes long-established words redefined in deliberately unsettling ways and tired old socialist objectives disguised as market-friendly innovations as well as some outright fabrications. We call this our “Anti-Capitalist Dictionary”. Each word or phrase listed below is introduced with an example of its typical current usage (that is to say, its misusage), along with the source of the example, and then a discussion/deconstruction of its flaws. Finally, we offer a truthful alternative to use in its place. As they say, forewarned is forearmed.

Child Care Deserts

Typical usage: “Saskatchewan has the highest proportion of children living in child care deserts by far.”

A “child care desert” refers to an area that is said to be short of daycare spaces. And while the federal government’s heavily subsidized, $10 per day child care program was promoted as the means to create a jungle of new spaces at a phenomenally low cost, Canada appears strangely awash in “deserts” as parents everywhere complain about a worsening shortage of spaces. Among child care advocates, this situation is cause for even greater government spending (or “investment” as they misleadingly put it). The desert must be defeated!

A self-inflicted “desert”: The dire shortage of childcare spaces across Canada is largely the result of federal policies that forbid or curtail the participation of for-profit centres in Ottawa’s $10 per day child care program. (Sources of photo: Global News)

As previous C2C Journal articles have shown, however, this rampant desertification is a direct result of a federal plan that explicitly discriminates against for-profit daycare providers. In many provinces, private operators deliver the majority of child care spaces. If the goal is to boost the supply of practically anything, the private sector is nearly always nimbler and more cost-effective than the public or non-profit sectors. For this reason, Ottawa’s attack on private child care providers is doing great harm to parents. It’s no coincidence that Saskatchewan is the Sahara of Canada’s child care deserts; it also has the nation’s lowest share of for-profit child care. By treating Canada’s child care shortages as some sort of external force of nature – one that only governments can withstand and conquer – child care activists are deliberately ignoring the importance of private capital and entrepreneurship to the daycare ecosystem.

Accurate alternative: “An absence of private sector supply.”

Denialism

Typical usage: “Residential school denialists employ an array of rhetorical arguments. The end game of denialism is to obscure truth about Canada’s Indian Residential School system in ways that ultimately protect the status quo as well as guilty parties.”

Truth before reconciliation: 8 ways to identify and confront Residential School denialismby Daniel Heath Justice and Sean Carleton, University of British Columbia website

“Denialism” is frequently used as a slur against anyone who questions an established narrative. Most recently it has been applied to those who challenge claims that Canada’s Indian Residential School system was a deliberate program of genocide. But it also serves to advance numerous other ideological agendas. For example, Ross McKitrick, an economist at the University of Guelph, Ontario well-known for his rigorous, science-based approach to climate change, notes that he’s often denounced as a “denialist” when he uses evidence to point out holes in accepted green energy policy orthodoxy. This includes revealing the true (and often astronomical) cost of policies to “fight” climate change.

Sticks and stones: For his science-based criticism of green energy policies, Ross McKitrick (left), an economist at the University of Guelph, is frequently tarred with claims he is a “denialist” by opponents unwilling to debate him on the merits of his arguments. (Sources: (left screenshot) Bridge City News/YouTube; (right photo) powerofgreatbarrierreef, licensed under CC BY 2.0)

“The facts are clearly on one side, but if you stand up and point this out, you get called a denier,” McKitrick says in an interview. The insult’s impact is intensified by the fact the term originally stems from denial of the Holocaust. Observes McKitrick: “Opponents are thus treating you like a psychology case, rather than engaging with you on the merits of your argument.” It is a thoroughly nasty dodge for activists who are unprepared to defend their own position. Asked whether he has a preferred term for someone who questions established beliefs from a fact-based perspective, McKitrick suggests, somewhat wryly, “glorious truth-teller.” That works for us.

Accurate alternative: “Glorious truth-telling.”

Environmental Racism

Typical usage: “Environmental racism is a direct by-product of colonialism.”

Fast Talk on Environmental Racism in Canada, Canadian Human Rights Commission, February 16, 2023

“Environmental racism” is a deliberately provocative term invented to explain why low-income individuals and families tend to live in less desirable (and hence cheaper) neighbourhoods or areas. Given that black and Indigenous families have a greater likelihood of having low incomes than other groups, this outcome is now declared racist.

Prior to the modern-day habit of labelling every situation of unequal outcomes in this way, such a scenario was known to economists as Ricardian land rents, after 19th century British economist David Ricardo. It was Ricardo’s insight that the price of land is determined by its most productive use. If land on the outskirts of town or nearer a pulp mill is less desirable or less productive than land in a city’s downtown core or beside a lake, then it will also be cheaper – and thus more affordable for people with lower incomes.

Cheap room for rent: As 19th century British economist David Ricardo (left) first explained, the price of land is determined by its most productive use, which is why low-income families tend to live in less desirable – and less expensive – neighbourhoods. (Source of right photo: Shutterstock)

“Most people don’t want to live adjacent to heavy industry et cetera, so people with lower incomes tend to move into those areas,” economist McKitrick observes. But calling this process environmental racism “gets the cause and effect backwards,” he says. There is no prejudice at work; low-income people moving to cheaper areas is simply a demonstration of the market at work.

Accurate alternative: “Cheap land means cheap rent.”

Equity

Typical Usage: “Equity: the principle of considering people’s unique experiences and differing situations, and ensuring they have access to the resources and opportunities that are necessary for them to attain just outcomes. Equity aims to eliminate disparities and disproportions that are rooted in historical and contemporary injustices and oppression.”

Guide on Equity, Inclusion and Diversity, Government of Canada, 2022

Words turned upside-down: As Wilfrid Laurier University finance professor William McNally points out, “equity” as currently practiced on campuses entails deliberate unfairness towards certain groups. The same linguistic inversion has occurred with the related terms “diversity” and “inclusion”.

Not that long ago, equity was defined as “the quality of being impartial; fairness,” as a desk copy of the 1988 Collins Concise Dictionary of the English Language explains. More recently, however, this definition has been turned on its head. “Equity”, as currently employed by governments, activists and other woke-infected institutions, entails the deliberately unequal  treatment of individuals in order to fabricate uniform outcomes between groups. Instead of being fair to all job candidates, for example, equity now requires that individual applicants be treated very differently based on group membership or characteristics such as race, ethnicity, sex, gender or disability.

“My own school is a great example of this inherent unfairness,” says William McNally, a business professor at Wilfrid Laurier University’s Lazaridis School of Business and Economics in Waterloo, Ontario and an outspoken critic of diversity, equity and inclusion policies. “We now have teaching positions that are only available to black or Indigenous applicants. Whites are not allowed to apply,” he says in an interview. By suppressing or even abandoning the key criterion of individual merit, the school’s hiring process is being manipulated to achieve a particular, ideologically-driven outcome that is unfair to most potential candidates. In similar fashion, McNally observes, diversity has come to mean “people who look differently, but all think the same.” And inclusion now means the deliberate exclusion of many qualified candidates.

Accurate alternative: “Blatant favouritism.”

Excessive Net Profits

Typical Usage: “The Committee recommends that the Government of Canada consider implementing policies to effectively tackle excessive net profits in monopolistic and oligopolistic sectors in the food supply chain, which are driving up prices for consumers.”

A recent House of Commons Agriculture and Agri-Food subcommittee report on food prices concocted the phrase “excessive net profits” to attack grocery companies. While politically useful, given popular concern over rising food costs, it betrays a fundamental lack of knowledge about accounting and prices. It is redundant to refer to “net profits”, as profits are already calculated on a net basis. If the intent is to examine some share of those profits, the term unhelpfully fails to indicate which items should be netted out.

Villainizing the retailer: A recent House of Commons subcommittee blamed food inflation on the “excessive net profits” of food stores. In fact, grocery retailer Loblaws’ profit margin is a measly 3.4 percent. (Source of photo: BlogTO)

As for the concept of what constitutes an excessive level of profits, that is an entirely subjective matter beyond the ken of any subcommittee. The profit margin (net earnings divided by gross revenue) at Loblaw Companies Ltd., the corporation at the centre of today’s political ire about food inflation, is a measly 3.4 percent, based on its most recent financial statements. By way of comparison, the profit margin at online retailer Amazon is a robust 9.1 percent, while at computer chip manufacturer Nvidia it’s an eye-popping 55 percent. How excessive is that? With store-bought food inflation peaking at 11.4 percent in 2023, the rising cost of food would be a problem for Canadians even if Loblaw operated on a break-even basis.

By misidentifying the problem of profits, the Liberal-dominated subcommittee promotes the socialistic notion that government has a legitimate role in setting prices and establishing an appropriate level of income across industries. As the devastating effects of rent controls on the supply of rental housing readily illustrate, this is complete folly. Profit is the essential inducement for entrepreneurs to provide needed goods and services. And rising profits in a given industry or in the production of a given good or service signal that there is opportunity for additional profitable competition; this, in turn, brings prices back down. Canada is already experiencing a productivity crisis driven by a lack of capital and investment in productivity-enhancing machinery; telling entrepreneurs there is a government-mandated upper limit on their profitability will only exacerbate this potentially catastrophic problem.

Accurate alternative: “There is no competition without profit.”

Financialization

Typical usage: “The financialization of housing is recognized as a trend that is undermining the realization of the right to adequate housing.”

What used to be known as ready access to capital – and considered a good thing – has been ominously relabeled as “financialization”, and become the all-purpose boogeyman of Canada’s housing crisis. Rather than pointing to the obvious imbalance between constrained housing construction and soaring demand caused by runaway immigration, the Office of the Federal Housing Advocate (FHA) repeatedly claims that housing-industry investors seeking to earn a return on their capital are the true cause of Canada’s housing affordability crisis. And the FHA’s solution is to eliminate the profit motive from the housing supply by advocating for a government/regulatory takeover of the industry which would make it impossible for entrepreneurs to survive.

The boogeyman of the housing industry: According to the Office of the Federal Housing Advocate, “financialization” is to blame for Canada’s current housing crisis, and the solution is to eliminate entrepreneurs and profit from the entire sector. (Source of photo: Colin N. Perkel/Shutterstock)

The fight against financialization also has the FHA demanding that Ottawa erase any tax benefits associated with real estate investment trusts (REITs). Such a policy, as an EY consultancy report (link requires signing in) found, would “slow growth in the supply of available rental units” and thus worsen the housing crisis. Despite an earlier promise to stamp out financialization, however, Ottawa recently promised not to levy any new taxes on REITs. This was a rare wise move by Ottawa on housing policy. Canada requires more investors, more real estate developers and more property managers. Without the enormous financial resources and deep expertise of motivated real estate investors, including REITs, it will be impossible to meet the country’s need for 3.5 million new homes by 2030.

Accurate alternative: “Building a lot of homes requires a lot of money.”

Living Wage

Typical usage: “The living wage is a bare-bones calculation that looks at the amount that a family of four needs to earn to meet their expenses.”

Promoted by social advocacy groups as a replacement for the minimum wage, a “living wage” is always much higher than the legal minimum since it is intended to allow a sole earner to support a family not merely with bread on the table and a roof over their heads, but with other amenities such as holidays, a savings account and a gift budget. In other words, it is intended to provide a single-income household with a middle-class lifestyle.

Yet research by the Canadian Federation of Independent Business shows that only 1.5 percent of minimum-wage earners are single parents with a child to support. Presumably, even fewer comprise a 1950s-style nuclear family with one wage-earner and one stay-at-home parent. The vast majority of minimum-wage earners are actually under 25 and living with their parents. Accordingly, replacing current minimum wages with a living wage of $25 per hour or more will not make life better for struggling families. Rather, it will harm the economy’s youngest and least employable workers by making them too expensive to hire. A better approach can be found in Alberta, where the minimum wage for workers under 18 years is two dollars less per hour than for adults, reflecting their lower productivity and greater need for training.

A tiny sliver of the pie: According to research by the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, a mere 1.5 percent of minimum wage earners support a child, while 59 percent live at home with their parents. The imposition of a universal – and much higher – “living wage” would thus price many unskilled teenagers out of the workforce.

“Living wage” is also an example of the left’s frequent linguistic tactic of framing market-based alternatives to their favoured policies as despicable, if not deadly. What is the opposite of a living wage? It must be a death wage.

Accurate alternative: “Youth-employment-reducing wage.”

Organizational Elder Abuse

Typical usage: “Lions Housing Centres and the Lions Club of Winnipeg have been accused of inflicting ‘organizational elder abuse’ on seniors because of the way they sold Lions Place to a for-profit real estate company in 2023.”

 “Tenants of former Lions Place victims of ‘organizational elder abuse’: report” by Kevin Rollason, Winnipeg Free Press, April 23, 2024

This phrase appears to have been invented by the left-wing lobby group Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) in a report on the sale of a Winnipeg seniors’ home run by the Lions Club, a charitable organization, to a private firm earlier this year. A Betrayal of Trust: Exploring the Financialization of Lions Place in Winnipeg as a Case of Organizational Elder Abuse offers no evidence that residents of the home have been mistreated in any way. Rather, the mere fact that the new owner, Mainstreet Equities, intends to make a profit while continuing to operate the facility amounts to “elder abuse” in the CCPA’s eyes. (Note that the report also makes use of the bogus term “financialization” for a twofer of leftist linguistic misdirection.)

Inventing abuse: The recent sale of a seniors’ home in Winnipeg was declared “organizational elder abuse” by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, reflecting the left-wing view that making a profit while delivering care is somehow illegal or immoral. (Source of photo: Josh Crabb/CBC)

“Organizational elder abuse” is an insult to the entire private sector and reminiscent of campaigns that seek to banish for-profit operators from other sectors dominated by high-cost, inefficient public-sector unions, such as health care and child care. The fact that actual elder abuse is a criminal act promotes the left-wing notion that even the most basic economic function of earning a profit is somehow illegal or immoral.

Wordplay aside, the private sector has a critical and successful role to play in the provision of assisted-living and long-term care for seniors in a number of provinces, as this and this C2C article described. And, judging by the long waiting lists for obtaining residency in many of these centres, seniors generally like what these companies are offering.

Accurate alternative: “Asset sold by a motivated seller to a willing buyer.”

Renoviction/Demoviction

Typical usage: “Renoviction is a huge source of housing loss.”

Ontario Renoviction Report 2024, ACORN Canada, February 2024

So far, the anti-capitalist terms evaluated have employed real English words that can be compared to their ordinary, historical or technical meanings. Here, we encounter complete gibberish. “Renoviction” or “demoviction” are portmanteaus  invented to describe the situation in which a landlord evicts existing tenants in order to clear the way for a substantial renovation to an apartment that can then be re-let at higher rent, or tears down the entire building to put up something new, again to generate greater revenue.

Why not let it rot instead? While renovations improve the local housing stock, some cities would rather stand in the way of progress and have passed renoviction bylaws preventing landlords from removing tenants in order to fix up their apartments.

While these processes are perfectly legal under certain conditions – and wholly understandable given the need for constant housing renewal – they have lately become nasty insults used by housing advocates and politicians to denigrate landlords generally. Some cities are even enacting bylaws to prevent both practices, erasing landlords’ property rights as owners and putting tenants in control of buildings they do not own. Such policies will clearly discourage further investment in housing at a time when the country desperately needs more and better houses. Investing one’s own money to improve the local stock of housing was once considered a good thing for everyone. Today, however, some politicians would rather let it all rot. The solution lies in recognizing landlords as the best-situated and most-effective custodians of the country’s rental stock.

Accurate alternative: “Improving Canada’s housing stock at no cost to taxpayers.”

Responsible Investing/Sustainable Investing/Impact Investing

Typical usage: “Responsible investment (RI) refers to the incorporation of environmental, social and governance factors (ESG) into the selection and management of investments. RI has boomed in recent years as investors have recognized the opportunity for better risk-adjusted returns, while at the same time, contributing to important social and environmental issues.”

“Responsible”, “sustainable” or “impact” investing holds that investors should weigh a variety of non-financial goals when choosing where to put their money. The goal is to “do good” with one’s investments by, for example, choosing green energy firms over those in the oil and natural gas sector. But adding moralistic objectives to one’s investment mix is “delusional”, writes Aswath Damodaran, a widely-respected guru of financial valuation at the Stern Business School at New York University. It is also another example of the twisted language of ideologically-driven alternatives, similar to “living wage” as discussed above. Having identified a practice as “responsible” investing, all other forms of investing – every stock, every bond, every mutual fund, every holding in every pensioner’s retirement fund – must implicitly be irresponsible.

More like “irresponsible” investing: Financial valuation expert Aswath Damodaran of New York University’s Stern Business School considers the inclusion of environmental, social and governance (ESG) goals as part of “responsible” or “sustainable” investing to be “delusional”, because of the additional costs and losses it imposes on investors.

While the vast majority of impact investors believe their ESG-flavoured decisions are costless – that is, have no effect on their overall investment returns – diverting their focus away from financial performance inevitably lowers returns because it constrains the list of potential investment opportunities, as Damodaran points out. It also leads investors to tolerate inefficiency and costly diversions among the “sustainable” companies they favour. As Damodaran observes, “After 15 years and trillions invested in its name, impact investing, as practiced now, has made little progress on the social and environmental problems that it purports to solve.” As he concludes, “Is it not time to try something different?” Pushback against these investment techniques is well underway in the U.S., and just beginning in Canada.

Accurate alternative: “Making less money while doing no good.”

Stakeholder Capitalism

Typical usage: “Stakeholder capitalism is not about politics. It is not a social or ideological agenda. It is not ‘woke.’ It is capitalism.”

The Power of Capitalism, by Larry Fink, 2022 letter to Blackrock shareholders

Popularized by World Economic Forum founder Klaus Schwab, “stakeholder capitalism” involves corporations making decisions that may go against the best interests of their shareholders by pursuing the interests of other groups – or “stakeholders” – such as government regulators, community activists, fashionable global causes or the public at large. This can include accommodating the demands of organizations explicitly hostile to the company and its industry, as well as a multiplicity of other targets comprising social and environmental indicators unrelated to the firm’s core business. Climate-related “Net Zero” commitments by various corporations are an obvious current example.

“Under stakeholder capitalism, CEOs and boards are supposed to weigh all these different competing interests,” says Laurier finance professor McNally in an interview. “But they get to choose which ones – it could be gender equity or decarbonization or racial social justice. And this is a profoundly undemocratic process. The shareholders who actually own the company don’t have any say in it.” Not surprisingly, these corporate fetishes rarely come cheap, and there is evidence that stakeholder-focused companies earn lower returns than good old-fashioned shareholder-driven ones.

Spending someone else’s money: As Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton Friedman (left) noted in a 1970 New York Times essay, so-called “stakeholder” capitalism – subordinating shareholders’ rights in favour of other interests – is tantamount to theft. At right, activists protest Chevron’s annual shareholder meeting. (Source of right photo: Rainforest Action Network, licensed under CC BY-NC 2.0)

For the alternative viewpoint, McNally points to a famous 1970 New York Times essay by Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton Friedman. In it, Friedman argued that executives who allow political or social justice interests to distract them from pursuing their shareholders’ best interests – above all, safeguarding their capital – are “spending someone else’s money” on pet projects and should be considered guilty of theft. Nonetheless, advocates such as Fink are now promoting stakeholder capitalism – what Friedman called “pure and unadulterated socialism” – as the only true form of capitalism. It is a complete inversion of reality.

Accurate alternative: “Playing politics with other people’s money.”

Conclusion

The above list is obviously not exhaustive. Indeed, it is barely a beginning. The primary purpose of the Anti-Capitalist Dictionary is to remind readers that words matter and alert them to the widespread presence of corrupted, concocted or bogus terms in general usage. Calling wind turbines “green” or “sustainable” energy, to mention some additional possible entries, not only engenders positive feelings among many people, but influences their thinking about what these things actually are and how they work. It is thus useful that Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, for example, now refers to wind and solar power as – entirely accurately – “intermittent and unreliable”. This draws attention to the fact they cannot be relied upon to serve as base-load power in the way that nuclear, natural gas-fired or hydroelectric facilities can and do. There is nothing sustainable about an energy source that cannot be trusted when needed.

Beyond these specific examples, the Anti-Capitalist Dictionary’s other purpose is to reveal the damage being done to fundamental economic concepts that are crucial to the flourishing of a democratic society. It has been proven time and again throughout history (and often at great cost) that markets – the free and open exchange of ideas, goods or services – are the best and most efficient method of determining values, assessing needs and allocating resources. Today, however, as in totalitarian regimes of the past, we are witnessing a determined effort to replace time-proven market mechanisms with systems that impose government interference and diktat as the operating devices.

One of the main tools for this revolution is language. In this way, landlords have become cold-hearted “renoviction” machines, corporations stand accused of earning “excessive net profits” at the expense of hapless families, capital investment in new housing – “financialization” – is to blame for Canada’s housing crisis, the legitimate sale of a building is “elder abuse”, heterodox thinkers are “denialists”, socialism is really capitalism, and so on down the rabbit hole. Words have become weapons aimed at destroying markets and individual freedoms. This must be resisted.

Making lies truthful and murder respectable: George Orwell famously warned of the many linguistic tricks and falsehoods used by propagandists in his 1946 essay Politics and the English Language. The only defence against this onslaught of confusion, he argued, was a rigorous commitment to truth and clarity in one’s own writing and speech. (Source of right photo: Vic Hinterlang/Shutterstock)

In his famous 1946 essay Politics and the English Language, George Orwell anticipated many of the linguistic tricks and falsehoods described above. “Political language,” he wrote, “is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind. One cannot change this all in a moment, but one can at least change one’s own habits.” The truth starts one word at a time.

Peter Shawn Taylor is senior features editor at C2C Journal. He lives in Waterloo, Ontario.

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