Addictions
A conversation with Premier Smith’s outgoing chief of staff, architect of Alberta’s recovery-focused drug policies

Marshall Smith, Alberta’s Chief of Staff, sits in his office at the Alberta Legislature in Edmonton
Marshall Smith, on what he has learned as an addict and policy leader and what’s next for him
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s chief of staff, Marshall Smith, is leaving his post at the end of October.
Since taking office in 2022, he has been instrumental in shaping Alberta’s drug policies and developing the Alberta Model — a recovery-focused addiction treatment policy that has gained international recognition for enhancing access to mental health and addiction services.
Under his guidance, Alberta has prioritized building recovery communities over harm-reduction programs. Government data show a 53 per cent decrease in opioid-related overdose deaths in June 2024 from the prior year, which may suggest Smith’s initiatives are having an impact.
In a statement on social media, the Premier shared that Smith informed her of his decision to retire earlier this year, after dedicating 32 years to public service. His departure comes just ahead of the United Conservative Party’s leadership review on Nov. 2.
Smith met with reporter Alexandra Keeler on Sept. 10 to discuss his personal journey from addiction to recovery and how it has shaped Alberta’s drug policies. On Oct. 10, they spoke by phone to discuss his recent decision to step down and what lies ahead for him.
AK: What emotional and psychological impact did your addiction have on your sense of self?
MS: It makes you feel powerless. Addiction is an illness of isolation, despair, loneliness and powerlessness. One of the hallmarks of addiction is continuing to use a substance despite a complete lack of control over your using, and over the circumstances that you’re in.
AK: Do you think that sense of powerlessness impacts an individual’s ability to provide informed consent for involuntary treatment?
MS: I think that, over time, if addiction is left unchecked or untreated, or is allowed to progress to its very latter stages, you absolutely lose agency over your ability to make decisions.
I used to get the question a lot: ‘Is it a disease? Is it a choice?’ And I say it’s both. It’s actually a disease of choices, which is to say that it’s a disease or an illness that affects my brain’s ability to make good choices.
AK: Were you the driving force behind Alberta’s shift away from harm reduction towards a recovery-focused approach, or was there a broader change in attitudes within the community?
MS: Certainly I’m not solely responsible. I’m a member of a broad community of people in recovery who have been advocating for these policies for two decades. I think that I have a background [and] certain skills that have found me in positions like this, where I can be most effective helping my community advance these ideas and concepts and actually get them implemented into policy and action.
AK: Obviously your lived experience with addiction brings a valuable perspective to the table. But what data sources are the province using to inform its addiction and recovery policies?
MS: We have a very broad literature base that we use to inform a lot of our policy decisions … Alberta [also] has the most comprehensive data collection and data analytics system in North America, bar none.
A practical example of how that’s useful is … [if] the data shows us that a very high number of people who were in custody — whether that’s corrections or police custody — went on to fatally overdose in a period after their release, that tells us that we need to focus on correctional programs, and we need to focus on policing programs.
And we’ve done that. We have amazing new correctional treatment programs that are second to none. I don’t know of anybody in Canada that’s doing this — we’ve taken [jail units where inmates sleep and live] and turned them into treatment centres, and connected them with our new treatment centres outside of jails. We partnered with police, because police have probably the most amount of contact with people who are using substances, and we gave them the ability to help people get on to opioid-substitution medications.
We’re going to go even further. Minister [of Mental Health and Addiction Dan] Williams has just announced the creation of the Centre of Recovery Excellence (CoRE), which is a first of its kind in Canada. It’s a Crown corporation not beholden to pharmaceutical money, which is a big change for us, and we were very deliberate about that.
[CoRE] will give us the ability to pull in data from across systems in government and have that data analyzed … So we’re entering into a very exciting time in terms of data and analytics around this issue.
AK: Without CoRE fully operational yet, what made you confident the recovery-focused approach would succeed?
MS: I see hundreds of thousands of Canadians every day entering recovery and maintaining their recovery … What I see in the alternative is a lot of drug use, homelessness, despair, disease [and] crime.
We spend a lot of time talking about data and evidence and science, and all of those things are good and necessary … but it’s not the only component of the decision-making process. … The policies that we’re making and the pathways that we take also have to be informed by the values of the community that we serve. … For far too long in Canada, that hasn’t been a consideration.
I think that we are at a place in Canada where the country is saying to us it’s time to revisit the direction that we’ve been going. I think that they’re saying to us, as policymakers, that we gave this a chance. We had become convinced by experts and the media … to give [pro-drug, harm-reduction policies like safer supply] a try …
[A]fter 20 years of that, I think that Canadians are ready to throw in the towel and to say, ‘We’re done with this. We’ve given you enough time to prove out your thesis. It’s not worked, and now we’re looking for fresh ideas.’
So Alberta is here leading that conversation of fresh and different ideas, and we’re happy to have that role.
The remainder of this interview took place on Oct. 10.
AK: Premier Smith announced your retirement at the end of October. What prompted your decision to step down?
MS: My time in Alberta has been a lengthy and intense role of system transformation over two premiers and standing up government twice.
While there’s still a lot of work to be done here, we have a tremendous team in Alberta that is leading that work under Minister Williams. I just felt that it’s time for me to step out of the role and continue to serve in other capacities.
AK: Looking ahead, what aspects of the Alberta Model will you carry with you into your future endeavours?
MS: I would say all aspects of the model need to be expanded across Canada, for jurisdictions that are interested.
Where I can be of the most assistance to other governments is talking to them about how to effectively organize themselves to be successful in this area. I think that governments across the country are struggling to figure out how to do that.
AK: What new opportunities do you hope to pursue that you haven’t been able to explore during your time in this role? Will your focus continue to be in addiction and drug policy?
MS: The majority of my focus will be on addiction and drug policy, but I have other areas of interest.
I’m passionate about the work that we’re doing with Indigenous people … I’m also very passionate about emerging technology and how we’re going to use that to uncover some of the answers that we’re looking for on these models.
I’m looking forward to having a little bit more freedom and focus.
This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.
This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.
Subscribe to Break The Needle. Our content is always free – but if you want to help us commission more high-quality journalism, consider getting a voluntary paid subscription.
Addictions
Should fentanyl dealers face manslaughter charges for fatal overdoses?

Tyler Ginn prior to his death from a fentanyl overdose in 2021. [Photo credit: Gayle Fowlie]
By Alexandra Keeler
Police are charging more drug dealers with manslaughter in fentanyl overdose deaths. But the shift is not satisfying everyone
Four years ago, Tyler Ginn died of a fentanyl overdose at the age of 18. Tyler’s father found his son unresponsive in the bedroom of their Brooklin, Ont., home.
For Tyler’s mother, Gayle Fowlie, the pain of his loss remains raw.
“He was my kid that rode his bike to the store to buy me a chocolate bar on my birthday, you know?” she told Canadian Affairs in an interview.
Police charged Jacob Norn, the drug dealer who sold Tyler his final, fatal dose, with manslaughter. More than three years after Tyler’s death, Norn was convicted and sentenced to six years in prison.
“I don’t think you can grasp how difficult going through a trial is,” Fowlie said. “On TV, it’s a less than an hour process. But the pain of it, and going over every detail and then going over every detail again … it provides details you wish you didn’t know.”
But Fowlie is glad Norn was convicted. If anything, she would have liked him to serve a longer sentence. Lawyers have told her Norn is likely to serve only two to four years of his sentence in prison.
“My son’s never coming back [and] his whole family has a life sentence of missing him the rest of our lives,” she said. “So do I think four years is fair? No.”
Norn’s case reflects a growing trend of drug dealers being charged with manslaughter when their drug sales lead to fatal overdoses.
But this shift has not satisfied everyone. Some would like to see drug dealers face harsher or different penalties.
“If we say that it was 50 per cent Tyler’s fault for buying it and 50 per cent Jacob’s fault for selling it … then I think he should have a half-a-life sentence,” said Fowlie.
Others say the legal system’s focus on prosecuting low-level drug dealers misses the broader issues at play.
“[Police] decided, in the Jacob Norn case, they were going to go one stage back,” said Peter Thorning, who was Norn’s defence lawyer.
“What about the person who gave Jacob that substance? What about the person who supplied the substance to [that person]? There was no investigation into where it came from and who was ultimately responsible for the death of that young man.”
Manslaughter charge
At least 50,000 Canadians have died from drug overdoses since 2016. Last year, an average of 21 individuals died each day, with fentanyl accounting for nearly 80 per cent of those deaths.
Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, is up to 50 times stronger than heroin and 100 times stronger than morphine. A dose as small as a few grains of salt can be lethal.
Given its potency, police and prosecutors have increasingly turned to manslaughter charges when a dealer’s product results in a fatal overdose.
A recent study in the Canadian Journal of Law and Society found that the number of manslaughter charges laid for drug-related deaths in Canada surged from three cases in 2016 to 135 in 2021.
Individuals can be convicted of manslaughter for committing unlawful, reckless or negligent acts that result in death but where there was no intention to kill. Sentences can range from probation (in rare cases) to life.
Murder charges, by contrast, require an intent to kill or cause fatal harm. Drug dealers typically face manslaughter charges in overdose cases, as their intent is to distribute drugs, not to kill those who purchase them.
Joanne Bortoluss, a spokesperson for the Durham Regional Police, which charged Norn, said that each of their investigations follows the same fundamental process.
“Investigators consider the strength of the evidence, the dealer’s level of involvement, and applicable laws when determining whether to pursue charges like manslaughter,” she said.
The Canadian Journal of Law and Society study also found that prosecutions often target low-level dealers, many of whom are drug users themselves and have personal connections to the deceased.
Norn’s case fits this pattern. He struggled with substance abuse, including addiction to fentanyl, Xanax and Percocet. Tyler and Norn were friends, the judge said in the court ruling, although Fowlie disputes this claim.
“[Those words] are repulsive to me,” she said.
The Crown argued Norn demonstrated “a high degree of moral blameworthiness” by warning Ginn of the fentanyl’s potency while still selling it to him. In a call to Ginn, he warned him “not to do a lot of the stuff” because he “didn’t want to be responsible for anything that happened.”
Fowlie’s outrage over Norn’s lenient sentencing is compounded by the fact that Norn was found trafficking fentanyl again after her son’s death.
“So we’ve killed somebody, and we’re still … trafficking? We’re not worried who else we kill?” Fowlie said.

Trafficking
Some legal sources noted that manslaughter charges do not necessarily lead to harsh sentences or deterrence.
“If you look at how diverse and … lenient some sentences are for manslaughter, I don’t think it really pushes things in the direction that [victims’ families] want,” said Kevin Westell, a Vancouver-based trial lawyer and former chair of the Canadian Bar Association.
Westell noted that the term “manslaughter” is misleading. “Manslaughter is a brutal-sounding title, but it encapsulates a very broad span of criminal offences,” he said.
In Westell’s view, consistently charging dealers with drug trafficking could be more effective for deterring the practice.
“What really matters is how long the sentence is, and you’re better off saying, ‘We know fentanyl is dangerous, so we’re setting the sentence quite high,’ rather than making it harder to prove with a manslaughter charge,” he said.
Trafficking is a distinct charge from manslaughter that involves the distribution, sale or delivery of illicit drugs. The sentencing range for fentanyl trafficking is eight to 15 years, Kwame Bonsu, a media relations representative for the Department of Justice, told Canadian Affairs.
“Courts must impose sentences that are proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender,” Bonsu said, referencing a 2021 Supreme Court of Canada decision. Bonsu noted that aggravating factors such as lack of remorse or trafficking large quantities can lead to harsher sentences.
‘Head of the snake’
Some legal experts noted the justice system often fails to target those higher up in the drug supply chain.
“We don’t know how many hands that drug goes through,” said Thorning, the defence lawyer.
“Are the police going to prosecute every single person who provides fentanyl to another person? Jacob [Norn] was himself an addict trafficker — what about the person who supplied the substance to him?”
Thorning also questioned whether government agencies bear some responsibility. “Is some government agency’s failure to investigate how that drug came into the country partly responsible for the young man’s death?”
Westell, who has served as both a Crown prosecutor and criminal defence lawyer, acknowledged the difficulty of targeting higher-level traffickers.
“Cutting off the head of the snake does not align very well with the limitations of the international borders,” he said.
“Yes, there are transnational justice measures, but a lot gets lost, and as soon as you cross an international border of any kind, it becomes incredibly difficult to follow the chain in a linear way.”
Bortoluss, of the Durham police, said even prosecuting what appear to be obvious fentanyl-related deaths — such as Tyler Ginn’s — can be challenging. Witnesses can be reluctant to cooperate, fearing legal consequences. It can also be difficult to identify the source of drugs, as “transactions often involve multiple intermediaries and anonymous online sales.”
Another challenge in deterring fentanyl trafficking is the strong financial incentives of the trade.
“Even if [Norn] serves two to four years for killing somebody, but he could make a hundred thousand off of selling drugs, is it worth it?” Fowlie said.
Thorning agreed that the profit incentive can be incredibly powerful, outweighing the risk of a potential sentence.
“The more risky you make the behaviour, the greater the profit for a person who’s willing to break our laws, and the profit is the thing that generates the conduct,” he said.
A blunt instrument
Legal experts also noted the criminal justice system alone cannot solve the fentanyl crisis.
“Most people who have [lost] a loved one [to drug overdose] want to see a direct consequence to the person that’s responsible,” said Westell. “But I think they would also like to see something on a more macro level that helps eliminate the problem more holistically, and that can’t be [achieved through] crime and punishment alone.”
Thorning agrees.
“These are mental health .. [and] medical issues,” he said. “Criminal law is a blunt instrument [that is] not going to deal with these things effectively.”
Even Fowlie sees the problem as bigger than sentencing. Her son struggled with the stigma associated with therapy and medication, which made it difficult for him to seek help.
“We need to normalize seeing a therapist, like we normalize getting your eyes checked every year,” she said.
“Pot isn’t the gateway drug, trauma is a gateway drug.”
This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.
Subscribe to Break The Needle – or donate to our investigative journalism fund.
Addictions
The Fentanyl Crisis Is A War, And Canada Is On The Wrong Side

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
Drug cartels, China, and Canada’s negligence are fueling the deadliest epidemic of our time
It took the threat of U.S. tariffs for Canada to wake up to the horrors of the fentanyl epidemic that is destroying young lives and shattering families. Canadians, who panicked over COVID-19 deaths, have hardly noticed that far more healthy Canadians and Americans are now dying from fentanyl overdoses than ever died from COVID.
Yet while Americans confront this deadly epidemic, Canada remains oblivious to how deeply the crisis has infiltrated our borders.
A grim milestone came in 2021 when U.S. opioid overdose deaths exceeded 100,000 in a single year. More than a million Americans have died from opioid overdoses since these highly addictive drugs first entered the market. Today, fentanyl overdose is the leading cause of death for Americans aged 18 to 25.
Behind every kilogram of fentanyl lies half a million potential deaths. Behind every pill—a game of Russian roulette.
Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid so powerful that one kilogram can kill 500,000 people. Its extreme potency makes it both highly dangerous and easy to smuggle. A single backpack thrown across the border can carry $1 million worth of the drug. It is easy to see why so many opportunists are willing to risk their lives producing and selling it. Overdose statistics fail to capture the bodies found in deserts or those murdered in the vicious drug trade.
Fentanyl is produced for a few cents per pill but sold on the street for many times that, making it both profitable and a cheap high. Incredibly addictive, it is found in virtually all street drugs, giving “the most bang for the buck.” Made by amateurs, these drugs are carelessly laced with lethal doses. And because the pills look identical, users never know whether a dose will get them high—or kill them.
But Canada is not just a bystander in this crisis. A loophole in our border laws—the “de minimis” exemption—has turned Canada into a gateway for fentanyl entering U.S. communities. This exemption allows exporters to ship small packages valued at less than $800 directly to customers with minimal border inspection. Chinese exporters exploit this loophole to ship fentanyl precursors into Canada, where they are processed into pills or moved to Mexico under the supervision of Mexican drug cartels.
The Trump administration has pressed Canada to close this loophole. That it has existed for years, almost unnoticed, should shock us to the core.
The problem of fentanyl production within Canada should not be minimized. The RCMP reports that fentanyl labs are appearing across B.C., often producing methamphetamine alongside fentanyl. These small labs supply both domestic and international markets. The threat is real, and it is growing.
Exactly how many Canadians have died from fentanyl overdoses is unclear. However, with Canada’s population roughly one-ninth of the U.S., it is reasonable to estimate that Canadian deaths are approximately one-ninth of U.S. numbers.
But overdose numbers alone don’t tell the whole story. The number of lives wrecked by this drug is staggering. Parents watch their children—once vibrant and full of promise—disappear before their eyes. Their beauty fades, their minds unravel, and their lives collapse into the desperate cycle of chasing the next fix. Some escape. Many don’t. Until death takes them, that is.
The new Trump administration has promised to confront this carnage. “This is a drug war,” Peter Navarro, assistant to the president and director of the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, recently told reporters. “The Mexican cartels have expanded up to Canada, making fentanyl there and sending it down to the U.S. The Chinese are using Canada to send in small parcels below the radar. It’s important that Canadians understand we are trying to stop the killing of Americans by these deadly drugs.”
But while the U.S. acts, Canada hesitates. Trump is addressing the problem—Canada is enabling it.
The Trump administration also views Canada’s lax drug laws and casual attitude toward buying and selling even the most dangerous drugs as an exacerbating factor. However, on the fentanyl issue, it is clear Trump is determined to tackle a problem Canada has largely ignored. He should be commended for this, and Canada should start cleaning up its own mess.
Yet fentanyl smuggling from Canada is only part of a larger issue. Behind the drug trade lies an even more insidious enemy: the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The importation of fentanyl precursors from China, facilitated by Mexican cartels, has turned Vancouver into a money-laundering hub for the CCP. Investigative reporters like Sam Cooper and Terry Glavin have revealed the depth of this corruption, despite the Hogue Commission’s failure to expose it fully.
Ryan P. Williams, president of the Claremont Institute, warns that “The fentanyl crisis is part of a larger campaign by the CCP to destabilize Western nations. They flood our streets with poison while corrupting our institutions from within. If Canada doesn’t confront this threat, it will lose not only lives—but its sovereignty.”
Our new “fentanyl czar,” appointed by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, should not only address the drug crisis but also expose how deeply a hostile CCP has compromised Canada.
Tackling the fentanyl problem will be enormously difficult—likely impossible— for the Trump administration without cooperation from China, Mexico and even Canada. And forcing that cooperation is likely the first part of Trump’s plan.
Canada’s role may be small, but it must take full responsibility for securing its borders and confronting the fentanyl crisis. Trump has forced us to act. Now, if we are serious about restoring our nation’s integrity, we must break the CCP’s grip on our institutions.
In doing so, we will save Canadian lives.
Brian Giesbrecht is a retired Manitoba judge. He is a Senior Fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. He was recently named the ‘Western Standard Columnist of the Year.’
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