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My European Favourites – Emilia-Romagna, Italy

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My European Favourites – Emilia-Romagna, Italy

When people think of Italy, the first places that usually come to mind are Rome, Venice, Milan and the region of Tuscany, which includes Florence and Pisa. I would go to any of these places in a heartbeat. I love them all, but a region that many tourists overlook is Emilia-Romagna. The region’s name might not be well known, but its exceptional agricultural, automotive and mechanical sectors are known the world over.

Much of the gastronomy we associate with Italian cuisine has its roots in Emilia-Romagna. The region is famous for Parmigiano Reggiano (Parmesan cheese), Modena balsamic vinegar, Parma ham (prosciutto), and various types of pasta, just to name a few items. If you are a wine lover, Sangiovese and Lambrusco are two of their well-known “vinos” for their unique taste and quality.

If you are a motor sport buff, Ducati motorcycles and luxury car manufacturers Lamborghini, Maserati and Ferrari all have their roots in the area. With this racing heritage, it’s only natural that two major circuits are located in the region. The motorcycle racing Misano World Circuit Marco Simoncelli is located near Misano Adriatico and is named after a local rider who died during a race in Malaysia in 2011. The Autodromo Enzo e Dino Ferrari located in Imola, which has been used for Formula 1 Grand Prix races, is named after Ferrari’s founder and his son. The track is sadly the location where three time World Champion Ayrton Senna of Brazil died in 1994.

It is best to do these tours with Parma as your base in Emilia-Romagna, but I enjoy its capital and largest city, Bologna. The city is Italy’s seventh largest with about 400,000 people, and it is famous for its medieval towers, churches, colonnades and historical city centre. The University of Bologna, which was established in 1088 AD, is the oldest university in the Western world. I love exploring the narrow city centre streets and browsing the food markets and shops with fresh produce, cured meats, fish, breads, pastas and regional products. I’m no chef, but I imagine that it would be sensory overload for any culinary expert. The small restaurants with street front patios make some of the best dishes you will eat in all of Italy. You have to go there.

Bologna’s medieval towers, a colonnade, a street full of restaurants and the Neptune Fountain.

Parmigiano Reggiano

We depart in the morning from our hotel in central Bologna to a family cheese making operation that produces the “king of cheeses,” Parmigiano Reggiano. The just over an hour drive brings us to a farm and factory near the town of Parma. They are members of the consortium that designates and controls authentic Parmigiano Reggiano production. Under law, the designation Parmigiano Reggiano is protected as a PDO (Protected Designations of Origin) and can be used only by certified producers from this area, so consumers know they have the real deal.

Around 1000 AD, monks reclaimed the marshy lands in the Po valley. The fertile land was plowed and worked by the monks using cows. With numerous cows, the monks had to invent a method to preserve the large quantities of high-quality milk they produced into a product that could be stored and used over time. The monks eventually developed a technique to produce a distinctive cheese in large boilers. The large round Parmigiano Reggiano is still made the same way today.

The Minardi family own and operate the Borgo del Gazzano farm factory that we are visiting. As an organic farm, they pay close attention to the entire local supply chain process to ensure the highest quality of ingredients. We arrive as they are reaching their final steps of the boiler process that was perfected by the monks long ago. Two men collect the curd from the boiler using muslin cloth and place it in large round molds. The cheese is left to set for a day or two then the mold will be removed to add a plastic wrap that has the imprint of the famous Parmigiano Reggiano stamp along with the date and the producer’s number. The mold is then reattached over the plastic wrap and tightened. The imprint from the wrap will solidify as a permanent mark on the rind over the next day. The wrap and mold are then removed and the cheese is placed in a rectangular vessel filled with a brine mixture for 20-25 days so that the cheese can absorb salt.

Production boilers, collecting the curd, the cheese freshly set in a mold and the brine bath.

Finally, the cheese is placed on a shelf in the warehouse to age for 12 months. Prepare to be astounded to see row after row of these shelves that are over 20 cheeses high and at least 80 cheeses long per side. It feels like a library made of cheese! Do you hear a mechanical sound coming from the next aisle? It is a machine working its way up, down and across the shelves. Its job is to grab one heavy cheese off the shelf at a time, spin it around so it can brush off the excess bits, flip the cheese, then place it safely back on the shelf, before automatically moving on to the next one. I guess now we know where they get the parmesan cheese shavings for the cheese shakers we buy at our local grocery store.

We will step outside to the barn area to see the cows and dairy operation before moving to the tasting area and shop. Tasting the celebrated “fromaggio,” with its distinctive texture and sharp flavour, at the very place where it is produced is really something special. This is not to be mistaken with the cheese we often get at home, as outside of Europe, companies can only use the word “Parmesan” to describe their cheese. To get the real deal, you have to make sure that it is clearly sold as, or even better, see it stamped as Parmigiano Reggiano.

Parmigiano shelves, the stamp on the rind, the cleaning machine and me with Alfonso Minardi.

Parma Ham (Prosciutto)

Just 30 minutes from the Borgo del Gazzano is a producer that makes another iconic food. The Lanfranchi family are specialists in the making of a cured meat known the world over as Raw Parma Ham (Prosciutto Crudo di Parma). For 20 years, they have been selecting the finest raw materials and using their traditional methods and expertise to produce the finest and tastiest prosciutto, salamis, pancetta, culatello and coppa di parma. Like the Parmigiano Reggiano cheese producers, the Parma Ham producers are also part of a consortium, and as such, must adhere to high standards and follow precise rules of production.

We will get an introduction of the prosciutto making process. Our tour starts with the trimming of the excess fat and rind of the pork thigh to give the ham its rounded shape and to assist in the salting process. The rind is treated with wet salt while the lean parts are sprinkled with dry salt. During a three week period, the ham is salted twice and placed in walk-in freezers with different temperatures. During this period, it slowly absorbs salt, loses moisture, and loses about 4% of its weight.

Our guide explaining the production process, the ham cellar and the “5 point crown” stamp.

In the next stage, the ham’s residual salt is removed and it is placed in a special room with controlled humidity and temperature for just over two months. While in this room, the salt penetrates even deeper and it is reduced by another 8-10%. We continue into a room with windows that are opened for the ham to dry over the next few months in natural process that will result in another weight loss of 8-10%.

The ham’s final move is to the cellar on the seventh month. In the cellar, important biochemical and enzymatic processes occur. Here it loses another 5% of weight but gains the distinct aroma and taste of the Param Ham.

The finished La Perla Prosciutto, a mixed plate of their products and me with Mr. Lafranchi.

At the end of the curing process, the ham is penetrated by a horse bone needle by experts who can verify its quality with a trained sense of smell. Finally, after a twelve month journey, the ham is inspected by the Parma Quality Institute and branded with the “5 pointed crown” as a guarantee to the consumer that the product is of the highest quality.

The tour gives us a great appreciation for the care that goes into making these products, and underscores why they are highly sought after. We move to the La Perla tasting room where we can try some of the local wines while enjoying lunch, which of course, includes pasta, cured meats, prosciutto, Parmesan cheese, bread and a dessert. It is always tough to get a group to leave because the Lafranchi family are great hosts who love to meet people from around the world. But we must leave, as one hour away, is a mecca for car enthusiasts.

The red arch at the Ferrari Museum entrance, the Ferrari 330 P3 and the AF Corse # 51.

Ferrari Museum

As we arrive at Maranello, we are greeted by a traffic circle that has a familiar silver prancing horse in the middle. This is undeniably, the home of Ferrari. Founded by Enzo Ferrari in 1929 as Scuderia Ferrari, the company sponsored drivers and manufactured race cars before moving into production of street-legal vehicles as Ferrari S.p.A. in 1947.

As we arrive to the Museum, we see a F1 race car in what looks like scaffolding and a welcoming bright red arch. Ferrari is the most successful Formula 1 team in history and has millions of loyal and exuberant fans worldwide. The motorsports cars in the museum are dedicated to the 90 years of Ferrari racing heritage. The cars will take your breath away.

The “Prancing Horse” logo, a 1950’s vintage race car and a classic Ferrari.

My favourite area of the museum is the Michael Schumacher exhibition dedicated to his 11 years of racing with Ferrari. The room has some of his F1 race cars on display in an awe-inspiring semi-circle with a video wall in the background playing highlights of his career. On the other side of the room is a lower wall dedicated to Ferarri champion drivers and an upper wall full of shiny trophies.

A few F1 cars from the Michael Schumacher exhibition, Ferrari champions and the trophies.

In addition to the racing automobiles, the museum also displays its most famous street cars through history, including the iconic Ferrari Testarossa. The Ferrari shop is full of items with the iconic item emblazoned on them, but like the high performance cars, they are pricey.

A Ferrari Portofino, a LaFerrari Aperta, and the Ferrari 5999 HY-KERS test “MULOTIPO.”

With your adrenalin pumping from being surrounded by automotive power, you will be ready to try a couple of unique experiences. If you are mechanically inclined, you will love the Pit Stop Experience, where they time you as you make a front tire change on a Formula 1 car. Those that “feel the need for speed” will drool at the sight of the unbelievable Scuderia Ferrari F1 simulators. After you climb into the pilot’s cockpit, you are given a brief explanation of how to use the paddles behind the steering wheel and the gear box. They can set up the simulator for regular driver or in a more advanced mode for “professionals.” You even get to choose one of the famous F1 tracks for your race experience. The simulator lets you feel the track surface including rubbing strips feel the breaking and throttle forces.

If you are interested, you can combine the museum ticket with a tour of the Ferrari track and factory. For the duration of the tour, you must remain on the company’s shuttle buses and no photos or video are allowed. The factory entrance has been kept the same as it was in 1947 and the track is where all of Ferrari’s competition and road cars have been tested since 1972.

Those that want to get behind the wheel can go to the nearby Autodromo di Modena race circuit and drive a Ferrari for 15 minutes or longer. The experience includes track information and safety protocols from a professional driver.

The tire changing Ferrari Pit Stop Experience and the Formula 1 racing simulators.

Balsamic Vinegar

After the heart racing Ferrari experience, we make a short early evening drive to a Balsamic Vinegar producer or “Acetaia” that was founded in the 1800s. The Paltrinieri Acetaia, established in 1845, maintains the family tradition and replenishes over 1000 barrels of balsamic using the experience handed down generation after generation. Adhering to the strict regulations and using local ingredients from the Trebiano and Lambrusco vineyards, Guido Paltrinieri guides the production of the vinegar must.

The company harvests 160,000 kilograms of grapes on their 25 acre farm, which produces 15,000 litres of balsamic vinegar. We will visit the warehouse attic to see the medium sized barrels made from durmast, chestnut, mulberry, cherry, acacia, ash and precious juniper wood.

The flavour garnered from the barrels, along with the aging process, result in the unique scent and flavour of the balsamic. In the tasting room, we try a range of balsamic they produce, and it is amazing how varied the taste can be in terms of the sweet and sour tones. They also vary in density. The denser the vinegar, the more of a syrupy texture it has. Mind you, this is not the balsamic you find at your local grocery store. A high quality Modena balsamic in a 100 ml bottle, and aged up to 25 years, can cost hundreds of dollars. The company also produces balsamic based products like Balsamotto, Acet-Up, Dulcia and Saba which are great for use in cooking or as a condiment, including on ice cream!

The Acetaia’s barrel sign, processing equipment, barrels of balsamic and the tasting room.

One of my favourite meals in Italy is at the Acetaia Paltrinieri restaurant. After our balsamic tasting and tour, we head across the courtyard to the rustic farm house restaurant. Just before we arrive to the restaurant doors, we are greeted with a glass of Pignoletto sparkling wine and crumbled Parmigiano Reggiano drizzled with DOP Modena Balsamic Vinegar. The balsamic and the cheese go so well together.

The Acetaia’s courtyard, restaurant entrance, Parmigiano with balsamic and their products.

Once inside, we are greeted with bottles of Lambrusco wine on the table, which everyone is quick to spot and partake in. Soon, a plate of a local flatbread called “tigelle” similar to an English muffin, and served warm, arrives with a spread. They are so good!

I have had two different first courses, and I’m not sure which I love more. One is a creamy risotto made with “riserva” balsamic vinegar, and the other is a pasta called Strozzapreti or “choke the priest” pasta. The name always makes me laugh, but the pasta, which also contains balsamic, is absolutely fantastic.

The second course is a meat course which is served with vegetables or salad. During my previous visits, I’ve enjoyed stuffed roast pig, chicken with ham or Balsamotto roast beef, with each dish including balsamic as an ingredient. Even my ice cream dessert contains balsamic. After a glass of a special local walnut liqueur called “nocino” or a nice espresso, we are on our way back to Bologna. It will be a late return to our hotel in Bologna but I’m sure we will venture out to find a nice place in the historic city centre to have a glass of wine and to talk about our amazing day in Emilia-Romagna.

Explore Europe With Us

Azorcan Global Sport, School and Sightseeing Tours have taken thousands to Europe on their custom group tours since 1994. Visit azorcan.net to see all our custom tour possibilities for your group of 26 or more. Individuals can join our “open” signature sport, sightseeing and sport fan tours including our popular Canada hockey fan tours to the World Juniors. At azorcan.net/media you can read our newsletters and listen to our podcasts.

Images compliments of Paul Almeida and Azorcan Tours.

Click here to read more of Paul’s travel series on Europe.

My European Favourites – Lisbon’s Belem District

 

 

I have been in sports management and the sports tour business since 1994 when I created my company, Azorcan Global Sport, School and Sightseeing tours. Please visit our website at azorcan.net for more information on our company, our tours and our destinations. We are European group tour experts specializing in custom sightseeing tours, sport tours (hockey, soccer, ringette, school academies) and fan tours (World Juniors). Check out our newsletters, and listen to our podcasts at azorcan.net/media.

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Federal major projects list raises questions

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From Resource Works

Once more, we have to shake our collective heads at the (typical) lack of information from the government after the fanfare of announcements, news releases, and video clips.

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s addition of seven new projects to the Major Projects Office (MPO) list of ventures to be accelerated came with a vague promise from the MPO.

Now, said the MPO, it will “work with proponents, provinces, territories and Indigenous Peoples to find the right way forward for these projects.”

The new projects include the Nisga’a Nation’s Ksi Lisims LNG project in BC (and its PRGT pipeline), BC Hydro’s North Coast Transmission Line (NCTL) and the related  “Northwest Critical Conservation Corridor,” plus mining projects in Ontario, Quebec and New Brunswick, and an Inuit-owned hydro project near Iqaluit in Nunavut.

In all, a federal news release said, Carney’s announcements “represent more than $56 billion in new investment.” That’s in addition to “$60 billion for investments in nuclear power, LNG, critical minerals, and new trade corridors” that were announced in September.

Carney said: “Unlocking these resources . . .  will attract hundreds of billions of dollars in new investment and create thousands of high-paying careers for miners, carpenters, and engineers across the country.”
And it’s all aimed at reducing Canada’s dependence on trade with the U.S. As journalist Thomas Seal of Bloomberg News noted: “The country sells 75% of its goods to the US and projects on the list so far aim to help change that: port developments to ramp up trade with Europe, LNG terminals to sell gas to Asia, and mines to exploit global demand for critical minerals.”

But what does “fast-track” actually mean?

Carney’s Terrace, B.C. announcement raised a so-far unanswered question: What will the addition of these projects to the federal fast-track list mean in practice?

What can, or will, Ottawa actually do to support these projects and help bring them to fruition?

Carney gave no details, but federal officials say the Major Projects Office will coordinate approvals for all components of the projects to accelerate timelines that could otherwise take years.

The MPO is supposed to fast-track resource and infrastructure projects deemed to be “in the national interest.” The new projects have not yet been designated as “in the national interest,” which would qualify them for special treatment in permitting and approvals. Instead, Carney and the MPO used the words “national importance” and “national significance.”

And some of the projects Carney announced are already in progress, and it’s not clear what the MPO could do to move them along.

Does Ottawa plan to give the projects financial support?

The prime minister spoke of Ottawa putting up “huge financing” but, again, gave no further information.

As he listed the additions to the MPO project list, though, the Canada Infrastructure Bank announced a $139.5-million loan to BC Hydro to support “the early works phase” of the NCTL power line.

Does Ottawa see a role for the MPO in negotiating with First Nations and Indigenous peoples that are opposed to one or more of the projects?

PM Carney: “Referring to the MPO, or the Major Projects Office, does not mean the project is approved. It means that all the efforts are being put in place from the federal government in order to create the conditions so it could move forward. But those decisions are taken by many parties, including, very much, First Nations.”

The prime minister’s announcement was the first since the appointment of an Indigenous advisory council that is to help the MPO integrate the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, UNDRIP, into its decision-making.

Carney added that the “huge financing” he promised is aimed at encouraging Indigenous equity ownership of the projects.

Alex Grzybowski, CEO of the Indigenous organization K’uul Power, sees the North Coast Transmission Line as “a pretty solid investment,” but says First Nations would need to raise $275-$300 million to take equity shares in it.

To help First Nations get there, he calls on Ottawa to provide an investment tax credit, to increase the lending cap of the Canada Infrastructure Bank to $300 million from $100 million, and to provide “a federal loan-guarantee with a provincial backstop.”

Ksi Lisims LNG project

Ksi Lisims LNG is coming from a partnership of the Nisga’a Nation, Rockies LNG Ltd. Partnership and Western LNG.

The $10-billion project in northern BC would have two floating production platforms, producing for export 12 million tonnes of LNG per year. Natural gas for Ksi Lisims would come more than 750 km through the PRGT pipeline.

Ksi Lisims LNG says it hopes for construction to begin this year, with operations to start in late 2028 or 2029. It says it aims to be “net-zero ready” by 2030.

Charles Morven, secretary-treasurer for the Nisga’a Nation, said: “A lot of major work has taken place in the past five years, getting everything put together. This announcement gets us so very close to the finish line.”

And Eva Clayton, Nisga’a president, said: “We’re showing BC, Canada, and the world what Indigenous economic independence and shared prosperity can look like.” She spoke of “meaningful opportunities” for the Nisga’a — and for all Nations and communities in northern BC.

The Nisga’a Nation, a partner in Ksi Lisims LNG and its PRGT pipeline, says it is working with Indigenous communities to strike agreements, including equity stakes in the pipeline. A final investment decision on Ksi Lisims is expected early next year.

Environmental groups have also opposed the Ksi Lisims project, and the Union of BC Indian Chiefs cited environmental and climate concerns. But Carney said Ksi Lisims LNG will be one of the world’s cleanest operations, with emissions 94 per cent below the global average.

And the Nisga’a Nation said: “With our co-developers and Treaty Partners we will ensure this project reflects . . . our high standards of environmental protection.”

The prime minister said Ksi Lisims LNG will add $4 billion a year to the nation’s economy. And federal officials say Ksi Lisims could create thousands of skilled jobs, with Indigenous workers among them.

Said Carney: “LNG is an essential fuel for the energy transition. LNG can help Canada build new trading relationships, especially in fast growing markets in Asia. . . .

“Canada will be ready. We’re home to the world’s fourth largest reserves of natural gas, and we have the potential to supply up to 100 million tons annually of new LNG exports to Asia.”

And his announcement led the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers to say: “Canada is on a path to become one of the top five LNG exporters in the world.”

North Coast Transmission Line

The 450-km North Coast Transmission Line from Prince George to Terrace would feed clean hydro power to LNG projects such as LNG Canada and the Haisla Nation’s coming Cedar LNG project, and it would also power mining projects and regional communities.

Carney said the power line could eventually connect with Alberta and support reliability, clean power development and new industrial investment across the West. Carney also spoke the potential for a northwest trade and energy corridor running from British Columbia through the Yukon with future possibilities for connection into Alberta. But, again, he gave no details of any plans.

Later, BC Premier David Eby called the NCTL “one of the biggest, most transformational opportunities” in a century. BC says the power line “will be co-owned with First Nations and will provide BC’s 98% renewable energy to the northwest.”

The BC government says the next major steps for the NCTL include finalizing the route. It says construction is expected to start in the summer of 2026, with phased-in completion targeted for 2032-34.

BC legislation would allow First Nations equity in the project and the province also says it plans to direct the B.C. Utilities Commission to allow the project to proceed without needing to go through the usual hearing process, potentially cutting a year to 18 months off the completion date.

To help First Nations acquire equity in the NCTL, Alex Grzybowski, CEO of Indigenous K’uul Power, says three things are needed from government:

“The first and most valuable thing they could do is provide an investment tax credit. And actually that wouldn’t hit their books for six years, so from an immediate financing perspective, that might be the best. . . .

“The next best thing would be to increase the lending cap for the Canada Infrastructure Bank from $100 million to $300 million, and then we would be borrowing money at below Bank of Canada rates, and we would be able to lend that money into construction, which would lower the cost of construction, it would lower the cost for the ratepayers, and it would increase the benefits for the First Nations. . . .

“The third thing they could do is provide a federal loan guarantee with a provincial backstop.”

BC says the NCTL project is expected to create some 9,700 direct full-time jobs, contribute nearly $10 billion per year to GDP and generate approximately $950 million a year in revenues for provincial and municipal governments. BC says it will also help prevent two to three million tonnes of carbon emissions a year.

The NCTL power-line plan also raises key questions, including this: How will BC Hydro come up with the new power to feed into the line? We have seen estimates such as this: “By 2050, BC may need to double or triple its . . . power generation as transportation, buildings and industry are all or partially electrified. Current output is generated with 32 hydro dams. Can the province build another 32 or 64 hydro plants in under 30 years? Of course not, so where will all that power come from?”

And what will NCTL cost?  The first estimate from BC Hydro is $6 billion, but Hydro’s costs for the Site C power dam finished up at twice what it initially estimated.

A cautious shift from past policies

Once more, we have to shake our collective heads at the (typical) lack of information from the government after the fanfare of announcements, news releases, and video clips.

We naturally wonder if Ottawa’s promises will be matched by performance, but at least we see some much-needed departure from the anti-project policies of the past Justin Trudeau government.

As CEO François Poirier of TC Energy puts it: “The policy environment is becoming increasingly supportive.”

Heather Exner-Pirot of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute says the new Carney budget shows signs of a better mix of “carrot and stick” than did the Trudeau government. “The last budget was still in the ‘stick’ era. Finally, we’re in a ‘carrot’ era.”

And she adds: “At least under this government, the bad things have stopped happening. And I would say, even with this budget, some of the bad things are actually going away.”

Let us hope so.

Photo credit to the THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick.

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Blacked-Out Democracy: The Stellantis Deal Ottawa Won’t Show Its Own MPs

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The Opposition with Dan Knight

Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

This isn’t just bureaucracy. This is a culture. A culture where global corporations and senior officials act as partners managing public information, while Parliament and citizens are treated like security risks to be managed.

Bureaucrats hid key terms of a $15-billion deal, blamed “confidentiality,” and Stellantis couldn’t even get its internet working to face MPs.

The most powerful people in Canada’s federal bureaucracy walked into a parliamentary committee this week and calmly admitted something that should make every taxpayer’s blood run cold:

When Parliament ordered them to hand over an unredacted copy of a multibillion-dollar contract with Stellantis, they didn’t obey Parliament.

They obeyed Stellantis.

This was the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates (OGGO), meeting on the government’s response to a motion demanding the contracts between Canada and Stellantis for the Brampton Assembly plant. What unfolded over roughly two hours was not just a hearing. It was a live demonstration of who actually runs this country’s industrial policy: not elected MPs, not citizens, but a cozy alliance of bureaucrats and a global automaker hiding behind a black marker and a “confidentiality clause.”

And just to put a bow on the contempt: Stellantis itself didn’t even show up. We were told they had “IT issues.”

A company that builds electric vehicles and advanced manufacturing platforms apparently can’t figure out how to join a parliamentary Zoom call.

Sure.


From the start, Deputy Minister Philip Jennings of Industry Canada came in with one objective: defend the redactions.

His opening remarks were drenched in the usual Ottawa flattery. He told MPs their oversight role was “vital,” that accountability “maintains public trust,” that transparency is “important.” All the right words. Then he immediately pivoted to why they had blacked out chunks of the Stellantis–Brampton contribution agreement and why MPs, and by extension Canadians, should accept it.

He warned that some information is “commercially confidential,” that releasing it could cause “significant damage” in a “highly competitive” auto sector. He lumped in aerospace, AI, and other “knowledge-based sectors” just in case anyone missed the buzzwords. If companies couldn’t trust Ottawa to keep secrets, he said, future deals might be at risk.

So the stage was set: democracy on one side, “commercial sensitivity” on the other.

Jennings made it clear where his department chose to stand.


Conservative MP Kyle Seeback was one of the first to cut through the spin. He had actually read the documents. That’s already more than can be said for half of Ottawa on most days.

Seeback pointed out that another Strategic Innovation Fund agreement, number 810819553, had already been released under access to information and is now posted publicly on CBC’s website. That contract, same program, similar format, came out with limited redactions.

Meanwhile, the Stellantis agreement at issue – 813816251, which covers the Brampton deal – is being guarded like a state secret. Jennings insisted MPs could only see it in camera, with redactions, under strict rules: no phones, no recording devices, no notes leaving the room.

Seeback essentially asked the obvious: why is a journalist with an ATIP request allowed to see more than Parliament?

If a media outlet can obtain a contribution agreement and post it online for the entire world to download, how can the government stand there and claim that another, nearly identical contract is too sensitive for elected MPs to even discuss openly?

Jennings had no coherent answer. He kept repeating that he was only there to talk about “this” contract, that this particular agreement has “commercially confidential” elements that must be protected, that they were following a “balanced” approach used in past parliaments.

It didn’t wash. Seeback hammered the absurd logic:

Either the whole contract is commercially confidential, or it isn’t. The department itself had only redacted specific parts. It admitted that the entire document is not some sacred secret. Yet Jennings still insisted Parliament can only discuss it behind closed doors, while an access-to-information process might eventually dribble out the same text with similar or fewer black bars.

In other words: under this department’s logic, an ATIP officer and a CBC editor end up with more practical freedom to handle these documents than Canada’s elected representatives.

If that doesn’t tell you who this system was built to serve, nothing will.


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It got worse.

Conservative MP Jeremy Patzer went right at the heart of the matter: who actually wielded the metaphorical Sharpie?

“Are you the one responsible for the redactions?” he asked Jennings.

“No,” said the Deputy Minister.

So who was?

Jennings admitted that his team had “direct discussions with Stellantis.” Ultimately, he said, Stellantis had to agree to what they were “willing to have” shared with the committee, even in camera. The company insisted the documents only be shared in closed doors, and that condition shaped what MPs received and how they could view it.

Let that sink in: Parliament ordered unredacted documents. Stellantis told the department what it was “willing” to allow Parliament to see. The department complied.

Patzer reminded Jennings that OGGO had passed a motion for fully unredacted documents and that previous committees in earlier Parliaments had managed to view contracts in camera without this kind of corporate veto. He asked what gave the department the authority to ignore Parliament’s order.

Jennings invoked clause 16.1 of the contract, a confidentiality provision. He claimed Canada had a “contractual obligation” to protect Stellantis’ information and that he didn’t want to “breach the contract.”

So Patzer turned to the law clerk.

Does clause 16.1 supersede Parliament?

The law clerk’s answer was blunt: no. Confidentiality clauses do not override Parliament’s power to compel documents. The same way they don’t trump a court order.

There it was, spelled out on the record: nothing in the contract legally prevented the department from giving MPs exactly what they asked for. The cover-up was a choice.


Bloc Québécois MP Marie-Hélène Gaudreau cut through the legal fog with the kind of language normal people understand.

“Who’s the boss?” she asked. “Is it democracy, is it the government, or is it the company?”

She reminded everyone that MPs were elected to oversee public money – not to sit politely while a multinational corporation decides which parts of a taxpayer-funded contract Parliament is allowed to see. She recalled the WE Charity affair, when MPs were forced to review sensitive documents in a locked-down room with no phones, no staff, no notes. That was considered acceptable and workable then. Why not now?

She pressed Jennings on why he had never even asked Stellantis if the full contract could be shared in camera. He admitted they didn’t raise that option with the company at all.

So Parliament asked for everything. The department didn’t even test the limits of what the corporate partner might accept. It simply defaulted to the company’s comfort zone.

Later, as Stellantis continued to “struggle” with its connection, Gaudreau’s frustration boiled over. She stated plainly that a corporation of this size, working at the cutting edge of EV technology, claiming to have internet issues for over an hour was unbelievable. She asked the clerk what the committee could do. The answer: they can summon the company. If Stellantis ignores a summons, it can be referred to the House as a breach of privilege.

Gaudreau ended one of her interventions with a warning directly into the microphone: “Stellantis, if you’re listening to me, we’re waiting for you. If not, we will summon you.”

They were listening. They just weren’t coming.


The sheer number of absurd redactions was another scandal inside the scandal.

Seeback pointed out that provincial funding “envelopes” were partially blacked out. The total dollar figures were visible, but the specific provincial programs providing money were removed – even though those programs are already public and appear in provincial budgets and estimates.

How is the name of an existing public program “commercially sensitive”?

No answer that wasn’t insulting.

Whole schedules of work – the detailed project plans that are supposed to be the core accountability tool in a multi-billion-dollar deal – were fully blacked out. Every word. Conservative MP Tamara Jansen called that out as creating “the appearance of a deliberate cover-up.” No one watching needed a law degree to see she was right.

Conservative MP Vincent Niel Ho drilled into section 6.35, the part that details Stellantis’ legally binding R&D commitments in Canada. Those are the supposed returns on this enormous “investment” of taxpayer cash: research, innovation, jobs.

The exact R&D dollar amounts in that section?

Redacted.

So Canadians are told this deal will bring R&D investment. They’re told the commitments are legally binding. But the specific figures – the actual numbers that might allow someone to test whether the deal is remotely fair – are hidden. Meanwhile the boilerplate legal clauses, the governing law, the confidentiality language, all of that remains neatly visible.

When Ho asked why, Jennings refused to discuss the specifics in public, citing the company’s conditions. When pressed, he fell back again on the contract: under its terms, he said, Canada must consult Stellantis on any disclosure and treat information as confidential “unless the company is willing to share it.”

The interests of the Canadian public never seem to get that kind of deference.


Then there was the question of how many people inside government have actually seen this sacred, unredacted agreement that Parliament apparently cannot be trusted with.

Jennings acknowledged that only a small group at the department had read the full contract: the negotiation team, a few program officers, a couple of finance people. He estimated maybe four to six people beyond those sitting at the witness table. That makes perhaps eight to ten in total.

Notably absent from that list: the current minister. Jennings admitted she has not seen the fully unredacted contract, and that he himself hasn’t either. The agreement was negotiated under his predecessor, he said, and he “did not need to know.”

The Privy Council Office? Also likely in the dark. The law clerk? No. Parliament? Absolutely not.

So here is the structure: a tiny inner circle of unelected officials and their counterparts at Stellantis have full knowledge of how billions of public dollars are being deployed. The minister gets briefed selectively. The Prime Minister’s department isn’t fully looped in. Parliament is handed a blacked-out version and told to be grateful.

If that isn’t the definition of the swamp, what is?


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The Liberal MPs on the committee did their best to provide cover without looking like they were providing cover.

Jenna Sudds, Karim Bardizzi, Vince Gasparro, Tim Watchorn, and Iqra Khalid all, in different ways, repeated the same talking points: the Strategic Innovation Fund is a great program; Canada is competing with the U.S. and Mexico; other jurisdictions also keep their deals secret; confidentiality is “standard”; and we must protect a vague thing called “competitiveness” or risk losing future investments.

Gasparro, in particular, leaned heavily into the foreign-investment argument. He asked whether other advanced economies would publish contracts like this. Jennings said that “by and large” they would not, and even went so far as to say that having less information in the public domain can be “a comparative advantage” for Canada.

So secrecy isn’t just tolerated. It is defended as a strategic tool.

What none of the Liberal MPs wanted to confront head-on was the core fact: Parliament ordered unredacted documents, and the department decided to obey a corporate confidentiality preference instead.

They expressed frustration that Stellantis wasn’t there. They lamented the move of Jeep Compass production to the United States. They talked about workers and communities. But when it came time to challenge the bureaucracy on why a private company was allowed to dictate what Parliament could see, their questions magically softened into process inquiries and philosophical musings about trust.


If you strip away the jargon and the procedural dance, this committee hearing revealed something very simple and very ugly.

A multinational corporation signed a contract with the Government of Canada for a massive subsidy deal.

That contract contained a confidentiality clause.

Parliament, the supposed supreme body in our constitutional system, ordered that contract to be produced without redactions.

The senior bureaucrat responsible for the file admitted:

He did not even ask the company if it would allow a full in-camera disclosure to MPs.

He let the company decide what was “commercially confidential.”

He allowed the company to set the conditions under which Parliament could see even a redacted version.

He invoked a contract clause that the law clerk plainly stated does not and cannot override Parliament’s powers.

He claimed he was trying to “balance” interests, but every time the balance had to be struck, it tilted toward Stellantis and away from transparency.

And while all of this was being dissected in real time, Stellantis itself allegedly couldn’t get on a video call.

Canadians were told to believe that a company sophisticated enough to negotiate billions in subsidies, design electric vehicle platforms, and build advanced manufacturing facilities somehow hit the one technological barrier it just couldn’t overcome: logging into a parliamentary committee.

This isn’t just bureaucracy. This is a culture. A culture where global corporations and senior officials act as partners managing public information, while Parliament and citizens are treated like security risks to be managed.

It is not an accident that the entire schedule of work is blacked out. It is not a fluke that R&D commitments are hidden. It is not a coincidence that the law clerk had to remind everyone that Parliament outranks a boilerplate confidentiality clause.

This is the system functioning exactly as it was built: to shield the details of massive public-private deals from the people paying for them, while everyone involved talks earnestly about “trust.”

Trust, in this case, has a very specific meaning: trust the bureaucrats, trust the company, trust the process.

Just don’t trust yourself with the truth.

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