Business
Bad federal policy helps increase airfare in Canada

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Alex Whalen
Canadian air travel can be summed up in a few words—poor service, high ticket prices and little choice. And as a federal election looms, Canadians should understand that bad federal policy is to blame.
According to the International Air Transport Association, Canada ranks 101st out of 116 countries for the cost of air travel. And customer complaints against Canadian airlines have grown more than sixfold between fiscal years 2018/19 and 2022/23.
Why are ticket prices so high?
For starters, taxes and fees (imposed by governments and airports) comprise a large portion (25 to 35 per cent) of airfare costs in Canada. For example, “airport improvement” fees average $32.20 per departing passenger at Canada’s largest airports compared to $6.47 in the United States and $16.38 in Australia. For air traffic control (ATC), airlines pay charges based on distance, geography and other factors, and these costs are passed to consumers. In one illustrative example, to fly a Boeing 777 in Canada, airlines must pay an estimated $802 in ATC fees compared to between $192 and $478 in the United States and $493 in Mexico (all figures in Canadian dollars).
Moreover, Canadians pay between $9.46 and $34.42 per ticket in “security” fees, more than Americans (C$7.65) and Australians (C$4.80). Canada’s “landing” fees—charged by the airports based on the weight of the plane—are among the highest in the world and 35 to 75 per cent higher than at U.S. airports.
Our high fees originate in part due to Canada’s flawed airport ownership structure. The federal government owns the land where Canada’s major airports are built, and leases it back to not-for-profit airport authorities that pay rent—up to 12 per cent of airport revenue—to Ottawa. The airports impose fees on passengers to recoup this revenue.
But while fees help increase costs for airfare in Canada, another culprit is the lack of competition among airlines. Crucially, the federal government prevents foreign airlines from operating domestic routes within Canada’s borders, which severely limits choice and competition. While the government allows a foreign airline such as Lufthansa to fly from Frankfurt to Toronto, it prevents Lufthansa from flying passengers from Toronto to another Canadian city. As a result, there’s little competitive pressure for Canadian airlines to lower their prices for air travel within Canada’s borders.
The European Union, in contrast, removed such restrictions for member-states. The result? More competition including from new low-cost carriers such as Ryanair, a 34 per cent decline in ticket prices, more cross-border routes, and greater flight frequencies. The entry of new low-cost carriers alone helped lower airfares by 20 per cent.
Given the sorry state of air travel in Canada, our new study identifies four ways the federal government can improve competitiveness and lower airfare.
First, the government should reduce taxes and fees to be more in line with other countries. Second, the government should negotiate deals with other countries including the United States to allow foreign airlines to operate within Canada in exchange for Canadian airlines operating in those countries, which would help both Canadian consumers and Canadian airlines. Indeed, according to a 2016 report from the federal government, restrictions on foreign airlines increase air travel costs for Canadians and have outlived their usefulness. The report recommended Canada work towards an “open common market for air services” with peer countries. The key is reciprocity—if U.S. airlines, for example, are allowed access to the Canadian domestic air travel market, Canadian airlines must also have access to the U.S. market.
Third, the federal government should follow in the footsteps of Europe, Australia and New Zealand, and sell its remaining interests in airport leases and allow for-profit organizations to own and operate airports in Canada.
Lastly, the government should reduce the regulatory burden on the airline industry while maintaining strong safety standards. On this front, Canada can emulate the successful deregulation effort undertaken in the United States in the late 1970s and 1980s when widespread reform helped produce more competition, more consumer choice, lower fares and safety improvements.
Canadians will likely head to polls sometime this spring. If the next federal government wants to help improve air travel service quality, increase consumer choice and lower airfares, it should reform Canada’s antiquated airline policies.
Business
Al Gore Attempts To Keep The Sinking Climate Crisis Ship Afloat

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
By David Blackmon
“When something is unsustainable, it eventually stops,” former Vice President Al Gore said in an op/ed published by The Wall Street Journal. Given recent events, one might think Gore was referring to the ruinously costly attempts by governments of the Western world to force an energy transition via trillions of debt-funded dollars in subsidies for unreliable, intermittent energy sources like wind, solar and green hydrogen.
It has become obvious to most in the energy business now that the stick-and-carrot approach to a forced transition implemented by the Biden administration is not just unsustainable but a colossal failure. The stick of heavy-handed regulations and mandates combined with the carrot of economically ruinous government subsidies has resulted in a massive uptick in the national debt along with a playing field littered with dozens of bankruptcies by both startups and pre-existing green energy companies alike. Collectively, their waste of federal dollars makes the Obama-era Solyndra failure look like pocket change.
As critics of the Biden Green New Deal suite of policy choices repeatedly warned, the rent-seeking industries that became the chosen clients of the Democratic Party over the last four years – wind, solar, electric vehicles and green hydrogen – cannot displace fossil fuels in any scalable sense because the laws of physics don’t allow it. Too many companies in these industries also cannot be sustained for more than short periods of time without constant new injections of additional government subsidies, all of which in the U.S. have the impact of increasing the national debt.
When the Orwellian-named Inflation Reduction Act passed on party line votes in congress in 2022, I and others warned that the Democrats in congress and the Biden White House viewed the bill as just an initial down payment on their long-term goals. A steady succession of new IRA-type debt-funded bills would be required in the coming decades to sustain the transition, and without those added tranches of trillions of dollars in additional subsidies, most startups in those non-competitive energy businesses would ultimately fail. It wasn’t hard to see this coming.
In his op/ed, Gore writes all this financial carnage off with his typical climate alarm fearmongering, saying things like “treating the transition to a sustainable economy as optional isn’t an option,” and “the cost of inaction is indefensible and unbearable.” To which the only proper response is to ask Gore to tell that to all the lower income Americans who have seen their utility bills and food prices inflate to unbearable levels as they have borne the brunt of the inevitable outcome of the policies Gore, Biden and their cronies have happily forced onto the public. It’s one of the greatest transfers of wealth from the poor to the wealthy in global history. If you want an example of unsustainability, there it is.
Most hilariously, Gore states that “in the U.S., the fossil-fuel industry, its allies and captive policymakers seek to punish companies and investors pursuing sustainability goals with frivolous lawsuits, smear campaigns and the withdrawal of state-controlled funds under management.” Holy smokes, talk about a prime example of Clintonian projection, there it is.
No industry has been subjected to a decades-long constant stream of frivolous lawsuits and smear campaigns from critics quite like the coal and oil and gas industries have sustained in modern times. Right now, today, the oil industry is spending hundreds of millions of dollars defending itself against a well-organized lawfare campaign in which left-wing law firms recruit friendly, mostly-Democrat officials in cities, counties and states around the country to file frivolous lawsuits claiming billions of dollars in unsubstantiated damages related to climate change theoretically caused by emissions coming mainly from China. That is the very definition of a frivolous smear campaign and lawfare campaign rolled into one.
But it is Gore’s complaint about the effort by the Trump administration to implement a “withdrawal of state-controlled funds under management” that really takes the cake here. Apparently, this former vice president believes that elections really don’t matter at all.
But elections do matter, policies can change and billions of dollars in funds awarded to political cronies of one president can indeed be clawed back by another. Gore can rage against these winds of change all he likes, but that is American democracy in action.
David Blackmon is an energy writer and consultant based in Texas. He spent 40 years in the oil and gas business, where he specialized in public policy and communications.
Business
Given changes to U.S. policy under Trump, Canada needs to rethink its environmental policies

From the Fraser Institute
By reforming federal climate policy, Canadians could benefit from increased prosperity and increased competitiveness with the U.S., finds a new study published by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan public policy thinktank.
“As we approach 2030 with no prospect of meeting Canada’s Paris targets, instead of doubling down on costly and misguided policies that will result in continued failure, the federal government should embark on a new course that offers hope for modest climate successes without sacrificing living standards and prosperity,” said Ross McKitrick, Fraser Institute senior fellow and author of Reforming Canada’s Environment Ministry and Federal Environmental Policy.
The study finds that as a result of the new Trump administration quickly reforming U.S. climate policy, Canada risks a widening competitiveness gap with the U.S.
The study identifies five sensible reforms to Canadian climate policy that would improve competitiveness, achieve realistic emission reductions without compromising economic growth and prosperity:
1. Set realistic timelines for achievable improvements in emission intensity.
2. Eliminate the many costly intrusions of climate policy into unrelated policy areas, from banking to homebuilding to competition policy.
3. Make the federal environment ministry an effective and trustworthy source of unbiased, reliable data on Canada’s environment and climate.
4. Push back against the mission creep in multilateral organizations, especially the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
5. Extinguish in law all forms of climate liability in order to stop nuisance activist lawsuits.
“The federal government’s climate agenda has adversely affected Canadians’ living standards and the country’s prospects for future income growth,” McKitrick said. “Given all the changes occurring in the U.S., now is an appropriate time to reform federal climate policy to be more effective, and to better serve the needs of Canadians.”
Reforming Canada’s Environment Ministry and Federal Environmental Policy
- With the start of a new Trump administration in the US and the prospects of a change in government in Canada, it is time for a reassessment of how Canada manages its environment and climate change portfolios.
- The US has swung dramatically in the direction of promoting energy abundance and downplaying or setting aside climate goals. Canada risks a widening competitiveness gap with the US if we do not respond appropriately.
- This study outlines key reforms to federal climate policy and the structure of the federal environment ministry, including:
- Eliminating the current national greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions targets and replacing them with more realistic ones that can be achieved without compromising economic growth and industrial competitiveness.
- Eliminating the many costly regulatory intrusions of climate policy into unrelated areas, from banking to homebuilding to competition policy, and focusing solely on pursuing cost-effective GHG emissions reductions.
- Transforming the federal environment ministry into an effective and trustworthy source of unbiased, reliable data on Canada’s environment and climate, rather than relying heavily on speculative climate models.
- Pushing back against the mission creep in multilateral organizations, especially the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, and working with other like-minded countries, such as the United States, to return these organizations to their historical mandates.
- Extinguishing in law all forms of climate liability associated with greenhouse gas emissions to prevent activist-driven nuisance lawsuits.
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