From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By David Leis

Canada is at a breaking point. Weak border security, unchecked organized crime, and rampant foreign interference have left the country dangerously exposed to threats that jeopardize its safety, economy, and sovereignty. Under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s leadership, these challenges have escalated to unprecedented levels, and no meaningful action has been taken to address them.

In British Columbia, a mother of two recently shared how the fentanyl crisis has ravaged her community. She spoke of losing friends and neighbours to overdoses, while her own family lives in fear of growing gang activity. Her story illustrates the human cost of systemic inaction and highlights the devastating consequences of a government unable to protect its people. It is a tragic reality mirrored in communities across the country, from urban centres to small towns, where drugs and crime are taking a growing toll.

Canada’s border management, a critical first line of defence, is failing to stem the tide of illicit goods and activities. The Canada Border Services Agency inspects less than two per cent of shipping containers entering the country, leaving ports like Vancouver vulnerable to transnational crime. According to the Cullen Commission, billions of dollars are laundered annually in British Columbia, often through casinos and real estate linked to organized crime. Transparency International’s 2022 report ranked Canada among the worst in the G7 for anti-money laundering enforcement, underlining systemic failures.

Weak border controls are exacerbating the fentanyl crisis. Precursor chemicals flow into Canada largely unchecked, often disguised as legitimate imports. Provincial officials in British Columbia have acknowledged the need for tighter regulations on pill presses, but federal laws remain inconsistent. The consequences are staggering: over 34,000 Canadians have died of opioid overdoses since 2016, according to Health Canada. These are not just numbers; they represent families shattered and communities in mourning. Yet, the federal government continues to respond with piecemeal measures instead of a comprehensive national strategy.

Concerns over foreign interference add another dimension to Canada’s vulnerability. Weak borders and lax enforcement also provide fertile ground for foreign actors to exploit. The recent inquiry into election interference revealed disturbing levels of meddling, with CSIS identifying instances of Chinese state funding for federal candidates. Hybrid warfare tactics – including cyberattacks, economic manipulation, and political interference – are well-documented. These activities undermine Canada’s sovereignty and erode trust in its democratic institutions.

International partners, particularly the United States, are taking notice. Canada’s largest trading partner has grown increasingly frustrated with these vulnerabilities. Under a potential Trump administration, Canada could face severe economic repercussions, including tariffs, if it does not address its security deficiencies. A report from the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime labelled Canada a “safe zone” for transnational crime, citing weak enforcement and limited co-ordination among intelligence agencies. Such critiques directly challenge Canada’s reputation and its role as a trusted ally.

Canada’s aging infrastructure compounds these security failures. A 2023 report from Statistics Canada revealed that nearly 40 per cent of the country’s infrastructure is nearing the end of its useful life. Ports, highways, and public utilities – critical for trade and national security – are underfunded and rapidly deteriorating. This hampers economic competitiveness and leaves Canada ill prepared to secure its supply chains. These failings highlight a broader issue: the government’s reluctance to prioritize foundational investments that ensure long-term stability.

Meanwhile, Canada’s regulatory framework struggles to keep pace with modern threats. The country lacks effective oversight to combat money laundering, cyberattacks, and supply chain exploitation. Organized crime and illicit trade drain billions from the economy every year. Weak border controls have made Canada a transit point for everything from drugs to counterfeit goods. Provincial attempts at regulation, like in British Columbia, have helped somewhat, but federal legislation has yet to catch up.

Canada’s challenges didn’t emerge overnight. They are the result of decades of underinvestment in security, weak enforcement, and a lack of political will. While the Trudeau government has failed to address these issues, previous administrations are responsible for creating the conditions that allowed them to fester.

However, the current government bears responsibility for the lack of urgency in the face of escalating crises. Performative policies, like token GST rebates, do little to address systemic issues. The Trudeau government has failed to modernize Canada’s security apparatus, prioritizing political optics over substantive reform.

Canada cannot afford to remain passive in the face of these mounting threats. The government must decisively modernize border security, combat organized crime, and confront foreign interference with meaningful legislation and enforcement. Countries like Australia have successfully implemented advanced port screening and stricter anti-money laundering laws to address similar issues. Canada must follow suit to regain control of its borders and restore trust in its institutions.

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Every uninspected container ship, every fentanyl overdose, and every election left vulnerable to interference represents a failure of leadership. The mother in B.C., fearing for her children’s future, is not alone – she represents countless Canadians who feel abandoned by a government unwilling to act. Her voice, and others like hers, demand attention.

This is no longer about politics or optics; it’s about safeguarding the nation’s future. The time for complacency has passed. Canada’s security, prosperity, and sovereignty depend on immediate, decisive leadership.

Anything less is unacceptable.

David Leis is President and CEO of the Frontier Centre for Public Policy and host of the Leaders on the Frontier podcast.

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Gerry Bowler

Well, they’re at it again. A year after a Canadian Human Rights Commission position paper labeled Christmas “discriminatory” and an example of “colonialist religious intolerance”, an Alberta public school has cancelled a winter concert because marking Christmas isn’t inclusive enough. The principal of Whitecourt’s Pat Hardy Elementary stated, “Not all students celebrate Christmas, and their families may or may not choose to have them participate in the Christmas concert. Other families celebrate Christmas as a religious holiday but do not want children engaging in the non-religious parts such as Santa, Christmas trees, etc.” It was suggested that a spring concert might be more inclusive, presumably on the theory that no one gets too worked up about the vernal equinox.

The principal’s actions are scarcely news; for years schools and public officials have been reluctant to stage any activity around the celebration of the Nativity. “Christmas concerts” have been relabelled or cancelled; “Christmas trees” have been termed the “Holiday Tree.” Or a “Care Tree.” A “Multicultural Tree.” A “Tree of Lights.” A “Community Tree.” A “Winter Solstice Tree.” A “Grand Tree.” A “Special Tree.” A “Family Tree.” The “Annual Tree.” A “Festive Bush.” A “Unity Tree.” A “Culture Tree.” Activists in Saskatoon objected to city buses displaying a “Merry Christmas” wish; a Toronto judge ordered a Christmas tree removed from the courthouse lest it makes non-Christians feel unwelcome; inspired by the American school that mandated that the lyrics to “Silent Night” be changed to “Silent Night, mmm, mmm, mmm, / All is calm, all is bright, mmm, mmm, mmm”, a principal at an Ottawa school excised the C-word from the ditty “Silver Bells”. Thus: “Ring-a-ling, hear them sing; Soon it will be a festive day.”

There are several ways of dealing with this perennial issue. One is to remove religion from the public square altogether – that would certainly suit the secular fundamentalists – another is to play the majoritarian card and insist that since Christians outnumber other faith communities their will should hold sway. Some might want to dilute any mention of Christianity from the season while others might wish to include every other religion’s holy days on the school calendar.

I have a solution to this seasonal dilemma. It is to adopt the attitude taken by leaders of racial and religious minorities in Canada when asked if they are offended by mentions of Christmas. Their invariable answer is, of course not, Christmas is an integral part of Canadian culture.

Christmas is indeed Canadian, as native to our land as Hockey Night in Canada, Stompin’ Tom Connors, or pineapple on pizza. It has been Canadian longer than poutine, mediocre socialized healthcare, or the last time Toronto won the Stanley Cup. The Vikings who found a home in Newfoundland a thousand years ago likely celebrated Christmas, and there’s no doubt that the holiday has been observed for half a millennium by later European settlers.

Though a current American politician may regard Canada as the 51^st state and a current Canadian politician may opine that we are a post-national entity with no core identity, Canada, over the centuries, has developed a unique Christmas culture. We have beautiful carols of our own – “D’où Viens-Tu Bergère?”, the “Huron Carol” (“Jesus Ahatonia”), the first ever written in a North American indigenous language, and J.P. Clarke’s 1853 “A Canadian Christmas Carol”– not to mention secular seasonal music such as “Voici Le Père Noël Qui Nous Arrive” by the legendary Mary Bolduc, the melancholy “River” by Joni Mitchell, Bob and Doug Mackenzie’s take on “The Twelve Days of Christmas” and the immortal “Honky the Christmas Goose,” as sung by Johnny Bower (the last Leaf goalie to win a Stanley Cup).

We have unique Christmas foods – the taffy pull on St Catherine’s day, the tourtière of the revéillon, rapee pie, cipâte, butter tarts, Nanaimo bars, ragoût de pattes, “chicken bones,” and “barley toys.”

Though Santa Claus has his own Canadian postal code (H0H 0H0), we do not count him as a citizen, but we do have our own native Gift-Bringer in the form of Mother Goody (also known as Aunt Nancy or Mother New Year).

Canada can boast the first Christmas tree in North America, the custom introduced by Baroness Frederika von Riedesel whose husband Baron Friedrich Adolphus von Riedesel had brought 4,000 German Brunswicker soldiers in 1776 to protect Canada from American invasion. The first department store Santa was employed in Fredericton, New Brunswick, in 1869. Our post office issued the world’s first Christmas stamp in 1898. Eaton’s department store in Toronto staged the first Santa Claus parade in 1905.

Only in Canada can we see mummers of all sorts at Christmas – Janneys, Ownshooks, Fools, Belsnicklers, and Naluyuks; only in Canada do door to-door canvassers under the guise of “la guignolée” solicit donations to charity while singing a song threatening to torture the oldest daughter of the house.

So the next time objections are raised to the appearance of Christmas in the public square, simply state that it’s a long-standing Canadian custom, sanctified by time and universal practice, as deeply embedded in our culture as the red maple leaf. It’s what we do. Canadians do Christmas.

Gerry Bowler, historian, is a Senior Fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy