Crime
The Bureau Exclusive: The US Government Fentanyl Case Against China, Canada, Mexico
Canadian federal police recently busted a massive fentanyl lab with evident links to Mexico and Chinese crime networks in British Columbia.
Canada increasingly exploited by China for fentanyl production and export, with over 350 gang networks operating, Canadian Security Intelligence Service reports
As the Trump Administration gears up to launch a comprehensive war on fentanyl trafficking, production, and money laundering, the United States is setting its sights on three nations it holds accountable: China, Mexico, and Canada. In an exclusive investigation, The Bureau delves into the U.S. government’s case, tracking the history of fentanyl networks infiltrating North America since the early 1990s, with over 350 organized crime groups now using Canada as a fentanyl production, transshipment, and export powerhouse linked to China, according to Canadian intelligence.
Drawing on documents and senior Drug Enforcement Administration sources—including a confidential brief from an enforcement and intelligence expert who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter—we unravel the evolution of this clandestine trade and its far-reaching implications, leading to the standoff that will ultimately pit President Donald Trump against China’s Xi Jinping.
In a post Tuesday morning that followed his stunning threat of 25 percent tariffs against Mexico and Canada, President Trump wrote:
“I have had many talks with China about the massive amounts of drugs, in particular fentanyl, being sent into the United States—but to no avail. Representatives of China told me that they would institute their maximum penalty, that of death, for any drug dealers caught doing this but, unfortunately, they never followed through, and drugs are pouring into our country, mostly through Mexico, at levels never seen before.”
While Trump’s announcements are harsh and jarring, the sentiment that China is either lacking motivation to crack down on profitable chemical precursor sales—or even intentionally leveraging fentanyl against North America—extends throughout Washington today.
And there is no debate on where the opioid overdose crisis originates.
At a November 8 symposium hosted by Georgetown University’s Initiative for U.S.-China Dialogue on Global Issues, David Luckey, a defense researcher at RAND Corporation, said: “The production, distribution, and use of illegally manufactured fentanyl should be thought of as an ecosystem, and the People’s Republic of China is at the beginning of the global fentanyl supply chain.”
The Bureau’s sources come from the hardline geopolitical camp on this matter. They believe Beijing is attempting to destabilize the U.S. with fentanyl, in what is technically called hybrid warfare. They explained how Canada and Mexico support the networks emanating from China’s economy and political leadership. In Canada, the story is about financial and port infiltration and control of the money laundering networks Mexican cartels use to repatriate cash from fentanyl sales on American streets.
And this didn’t start with deadly synthetic opioids, either.
“Where the drugs come from dictates control. If marijuana is coming from Canada, then control lies there,” the source explained. “Some of the biggest black market marijuana organizations were Chinese organized crime groups based in Brooklyn and Flushing, Queens, supplied from Canada.
“You had organizations getting seven or eight tons of marijuana a week from Canada, all controlled by Chinese groups,” the source said. “And we have seen black market marijuana money flowing back into Canadian banks alongside fentanyl money.”
Canada’s legal framework currently contributes to its appeal for China-based criminal organizations. “Canada’s lenient laws make it an attractive market,” the expert explained. “If someone gets caught with a couple of kilos of fentanyl in Canada, the likelihood of facing a 25-year sentence is very low.”
The presence in Toronto and Vancouver of figures like Tse Chi Lop—a globally significant triad leader operating in Markham, Ontario, and with suspected links to Chinese Communist Party security networks—underscores the systemic gaps.
“Tse is a major player exploiting systemic gaps in Canadian intelligence and law enforcement collaboration,” the source asserted.
Tse Chi Lop was operating from Markham and locations across Asia prior to his arrest in the Netherlands and subsequent extradition to Australia. He is accused of being at the helm of a vast drug syndicate known as “The Company” or “Sam Gor,” which is alleged to have laundered billions of dollars through casinos, property investments, and front companies across the globe.
Reporting by The Bureau has found that British Columbia, and specifically Vancouver’s port, are critical transshipment and production hubs for Triad fentanyl producers and money launderers working in alignment with Mexican cartels and Iranian-state-linked criminals. Documents that surfaced in Ottawa’s Hogue Commission—mandated to investigate China’s interference in Canada’s recent federal elections—demonstrate that BC Premier David Eby flagged his government’s growing awareness of the national security threats related to fentanyl with Justin Trudeau’s former national security advisor.
A confidential federal document, released through access to information, states, according to the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS): “Synthetic drugs are increasingly being produced in Canada using precursor chemicals largely sourced from China.”
“Preliminary reporting by the BC Coroner’s Service confirms that toxic, unregulated drugs claimed the lives of at least 2,511 people in British Columbia in 2023, the largest number of drug-related deaths ever reported to the agency,” the record says. “CSIS identifies more than 350 organized crime groups actively involved in the domestic illegal fentanyl market … which Premier Eby is particularly concerned about.”
A sanitized summary on Eby’s concerns from the Hogue Commission adds: “On fentanyl specifically, Canada, the United States, and Mexico are working on supply reduction, including as it relates to precursor chemicals and the prevention of commercial shipping exploitation. BC would be a critical partner in any supply reduction measures given that the Port of Vancouver is Canada’s largest port.”
But before Beijing’s chemical narcotics kingpins took over fentanyl money laundering networks from Canada, the story begins in the early 1990s when fentanyl first appeared on American streets, according to a source with full access to DEA investigative files.
The initial appearance of fentanyl in the United States was linked to a chemist in Ohio during 1992 or 1993, they said. This illicit operation led to hundreds of overdose deaths in cities like Chicago and New York, as heroin laced with fentanyl—known as “Tango & Cash”—flooded the streets. The DEA identified and dismantled the source, temporarily removing fentanyl from the illicit market.
Fentanyl seemed to vanish from the illicit market, lying dormant.
The mid-2000s saw a resurgence, this time with Mexican cartels entering the methamphetamine and fentanyl distribution game, and individuals of Chinese origin taking up roles in Mexico City. “One major case was Zhenli Ye Gon in 2007, where Mexican authorities seized $207 million from his home in Mexico City,” The Bureau’s source said. “He was a businessman accused of being involved in the trafficking of precursor chemicals for methamphetamine production.”
Ye Gon, born in Shanghai and running a pharma-company in Mexico, was believed to be perhaps the largest methamphetamine trafficker in the Western Hemisphere. Educated at an elite university in China, he made headlines not only for his alleged narcotics activities but also for his lavish lifestyle. While denying drug charges in the U.S., he claimed he had received duffel bags filled with cash from members of President Felipe Calderón’s party—a claim that was denied by officials. His arrest also caused a stir in Las Vegas, where Ye Gon was a “VIP” high roller who reportedly gambled more than $125 million, with the Venetian casino gifting him a Rolls-Royce.
Despite high-profile crackdowns, the threat of fentanyl ebbed and flowed, never truly disappearing.
Meanwhile, in 2005 and 2006, over a thousand deaths on Chicago’s South Side were traced to a fentanyl lab in Toluca, Mexico, operated by the Sinaloa Cartel. After the DEA shut it down, fentanyl essentially went dormant again.
A new chapter unfolded in 2013 as precursor chemicals—mainly N-phenethyl-4-piperidone (NPP) and 4-anilinopiperidine (4-ANPP)—began arriving from China. This is when fentanyl overdoses started to rise exponentially in Vancouver, where triads linked to Beijing command money laundering in North America.
“These chemicals were entering Southern California, Texas, and Arizona, smuggled south into Mexico, processed into fentanyl, and then brought back into the U.S., often mixed with Mexican heroin,” the U.S. government source explained.
At the time, a kilo of pure fentanyl cost about $3,000. By 2014, it was called “China White” because heroin was being laced with fentanyl, making it far more potent. In February 2015, the DEA issued its first national alert on fentanyl and began analyzing the role of Chinese organized crime in the fentanyl trade and related money laundering.
The profitability and efficiency of fentanyl compared to traditional narcotics like heroin made it an attractive commodity for drug cartels.
By 2016, fentanyl was being pressed into counterfeit pills, disguised as OxyContin, Percocet, or other legitimate pharmaceuticals. Dark web marketplaces and social media platforms became conduits for its distribution.
The merging of hardcore heroin users and “pill shoppers”—individuals seeking diverted pharmaceuticals—into a single user population occurred due to the prevalence of fentanyl-laced pills. This convergence signified a dangerous shift in the opioid crisis, broadening the scope of those at risk of overdose.
The profitability for traffickers was staggering. One pill could sell for $30 in New England, and Mexican cartels could make 250,000 pills from one kilo of fentanyl, which cost around $3,000 to $5,000. This was far more lucrative and efficient than heroin, which takes months to cultivate and process.
This shift marked a significant turning point in the global drug trade, with synthetic opioids overtaking traditional narcotics.
By 2016, entities linked to the Chinese state were entrenched in Mexico’s drug trade. Chinese companies were setting up operations in cartel-heavy cities, including mining companies, import-export businesses, and restaurants.
“The growth of Chinese influence in Mexico’s drug trade was undeniable,” the source asserted.
Recognizing the escalating crisis, the DEA launched Project Sleeping Giant in 2018. The initiative highlighted the role of Chinese organized crime, particularly the triads, in supplying precursor chemicals, laundering money for cartels, and trafficking black market marijuana.
“Most people don’t realize that Chinese organized crime has been upstream in the drug trade for decades,” the U.S. expert noted.
When the COVID-19 pandemic hit in 2020, drug trafficking organizations adapted swiftly. With borders closed and travel restricted, cartels started using express mail services like FedEx to ship fentanyl and methamphetamine.
This shift highlighted the cartels’ agility in exploiting vulnerabilities and adapting to global disruptions.
By 2022, the DEA intensified efforts to combat the fentanyl epidemic, initiating Operation Chem Kong to target Chinese chemical suppliers.
An often-overlooked aspect of the drug trade is the sophisticated money laundering operations that sustain it, fully integrated into China’s economy through triad money brokers. Chinese groups are now the largest money launderers in the U.S., outpacing even Colombian groups.
“We found Chinese networks picking up drug money in over 22 states,” the source explained. “They’d fly one-way to places like Georgia or Illinois, pick up cash, and drive it back to New York or the West Coast.”
Remarkably, these groups charged significantly lower fees than their Colombian counterparts, sometimes laundering money for free in exchange for access to U.S. dollars.
This strategy not only facilitated money laundering but also circumvented China’s strict currency controls, providing a dual benefit to the criminal organizations.
They used these drug-cash dollars to buy American goods, ship them to China, and resell them at massive markups. Chinese brokers weren’t just laundering fentanyl or meth money; they also laundered marijuana money and worked directly with triads. Operations like “Flush with Cash” in New York identified service providers moving over $1 billion annually to China.
But navigating the labyrinth of Chinese criminal organizations—and their connectivity with China’s economy and state actors—poses significant challenges for law enforcement.
“The challenge is the extreme compartmentalization in Chinese criminal groups,” the U.S. expert emphasized. “You might gain access to one part of the organization, but two levels up, everything is sealed off.”
High-level brokers operate multiple illicit enterprises simultaneously, making infiltration and dismantling exceedingly difficult.
The intricate tapestry of Chinese fentanyl trafficking highlights a convergence of international criminal enterprises exploiting systemic vulnerabilities across borders. The adaptability of these networks—in shifting trafficking methods, leveraging legal disparities, and innovating money laundering techniques—poses a formidable challenge to Western governments.
The leniency in certain jurisdictions including Canada not only hinders enforcement efforts but also incentivizes criminal activities by reducing risks and operational costs.
As the United States prepares to intensify its crackdown on fentanyl networks, having not only politicians and bureaucrats—but also the citizens they are serving—understand the importance of a multifaceted and multinational counter strategy is critical, because voters will drive the political will needed.
And this report, sourced from U.S. experts, provides a blueprint for other public interest journalists to follow.
“This briefing will help you paint the picture regarding Chinese organized crime, the triads, CCP, or PRC involvement with the drug trade and money laundering—particularly with precursor chemicals and black market marijuana,” the primary source explained.
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Crime
Trafficking victim advocate analyzes testimony of reported survivor of elite abuse network
From LifeSiteNews
In an exclusive interview with LifeSite’s John Henry-Westen, human trafficking victim advocate Liz Yore discussed the new allegations made by Anneke Lucas on an episode of the PBD Podcast about being ritually abused by elites.
In an exclusive interview with LifeSite’s John Henry-Westen, human trafficking victim advocate Liz Yore discussed the new allegations made by Anneke Lucas on an episode of the PBD Podcast about being ritually abused by the late Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and banker David Rockefeller. Yore analyzed the credibility of Lucas’ claims, the massive pedophile network the latter was allegedly forced into, why sex trafficking victims are hesitant to come forward, pornography being used as manipulation against politicians, and more.
Westen asked Yore if she believed these stunning allegations were credible. Yore said she found her allegations to be “very credible.”
“Obviously, her allegations are startling, shocking because their names are known worldwide. But I also read her book, and I found that with great specificity, with great, you know, tenderness, she really did lay out [how] at the age of five, she was sold into sex slavery by her mentally ill mother,” she said.
The global pedophile network
Yore then dove into the high-level global pedophile network Lucas was allegedly forced into.
“It started in Belgium; she’s a Belgium woman. But when she in the Belgian network would meet at high level castles, mansions, property estates, where these prime ministers, ministers of defense, as she calls them,” Yore said.
“These are people that, as a child, she didn’t know who they were, but she knew that they were powerful people. And they had systematically sexually abused these children. They are, frankly, I mean, she calls them herself sadistic, Satanists, murderers. Many of them, you know, have been involved in Freemasonry… This network has been quietly impenetrable for many, many years,” she added.
Why victims don’t come forward for decades
Yore then suggested that since the Jeffrey Epstein case, people across the globe have become far less cynical of sex trafficking allegations made against powerful people.
“We now know that these networks are operating for the purposes of blackmail, for power, and at the highest levels of business in government,” Yore said.
A bit later, she added that she believes these allegations are only “the tip of the iceberg” and that it’s understandable why Lucas and other abuse victims are so hesitant to come forward against Trudeau Sr., Epstein, and other elites.
“[B]ecause these people are so powerful, it’s understandable why for 20, 30 years, she’s been afraid to name these names. And, of course, victims of traumatic sexual abuse have enormous obstacles to overcome. They have been demeaned, abused, undermined… They’ve been abused by powerful people who would believe a child next to a powerful prime minister,” Yore said.
“Many children who had been abused by priests, pastors, bishops would say, ‘It’s my word against a priest, my parents adore this priest, they’re not going to believe me.’ So, children have a high level of fear about coming forward,” she added.
Manipulation of powerful people
Later in the interview, Westen from Tucker Carlson’s recent podcast with Glenn Greenwald, in which the pair discussed porn sites being controlled by intel agencies to blackmail politicians and asked Yore if she believes this is true.
“Well, we know that that was the motivation, [as] said by many of the victims in the Epstein case… When you can blackmail them, you can control them, and you can force them into your own new world agenda, your elite agenda. And so that’s why, for example, she [Lucas] said that she would report back to David Rockefeller, as you said, the various preferences of these prominent people,” Yore said.
Watch the full interview for more analysis from Liz Yore.
Related
Crime
Canada’s violent crime rate 14.0% higher than U.S. in 2022, and rising; property crime rate 27.5% higher
From the Fraser Institute
By: Livio Di Matteo
Rates of both violent crime and property crime (population adjusted) have been increasing in Canada in recent years, and now surpass comparable crime rates in the United States, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an
independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think tank.
“This idea that Canada is much safer than the United States is not supported by the data as rates of property and violent crime in Canada are now higher than south of the border,” said Livio Di Matteo, a senior fellow at the Fraser Institute and author of an upcoming study Comparing Recent Crime Trends in Canada and the United States: An Introduction.
The chapter released today, the first of a larger upcoming study examining crime rates between the two countries, focuses on national comparisons. It finds that from 2014 (a year when crimes rates reached their lowest) to 2022 (the most recent comparable year of data), the violent crime rate in Canada increased by 43.8 per cent to 434.1 violent crimes per 100,000 people. That’s now 14 per cent higher than the violent crime rate in the U.S., which only increased 5.3 per cent over the same period to 380.7 violent crimes per 100,000 people.
Violent crime data in Canada differs from the United States, so adjustments were made to ensure as high a level of comparability as possible. The adjusted violent crime data includes murder, robbery, and assault with a weapon.
Additionally, the rate of population adjusted property crimes (e.g., burglary, theft, motor vehicle theft) is also now 27.5 per cent higher in Canada than in the U.S., with 2491.0 crimes occurring per 100,000 people in Canada in 2022—a 7.0 per cent
increase from 2014. By contrast, the property crime rate in the U.S. declined by 24.1 per cent over the same period to 1954.4 crimes per 100,000 people.
Crucially, homicides are also on the rise in Canada with the number of murders increasing from 1.5 per 100,000 in 2014 to 2.3 in 2022—a 53.4 per cent increase. The homicide rate in the U.S. remains markedly higher than in Canada at 5.8 per 100,000 people in 2022 and increased 49.4 per cent from 2014 to 2022.
“Crime rates in Canada, which are still historically low, are nevertheless rising and, in some cases are higher than in the U.S., which should concern Canadians,” Di Matteo said.
- This is a pre-release of an upcoming study examining crime rates between Canada and the United States.
- This first chapter focuses on national comparisons, and finds that from 2014 (a year when crimes rates reached their lowest) to 2022 (the most recent comparable year of data), rates of both violent crime and property crime (adjusted for population) have been increasing in Canada and now surpass comparable crime rates in the United States.
- From 2014 to 2022, the violent crime rate in Canada increased by 43.8 per cent to 434.1 violent crimes per 100,000 people.
- The violent crime rate in the U.S. increased 5.3 per cent over the same period to 380.7 violent crimes per 100,000 people.
- Likewise, the rate of population-adjusted property crimes (e.g., burglary, theft, motor vehicle theft) is also now higher in Canada than in the U.S., with 2491.0 crimes occurring per 100,000 people in Canada in 2022—a 7.0 per cent increase from 2014.
- By contrast, the property crime rate in the U.S. declined by 24.1 per cent over the same period to 1954.4 crimes per 100,000 people.
- Homicides are also on the rise in Canada with the number of murders increasing from 1.5 per 100,000 in 2014 to 2.3 in 2022—a 53.4 per cent increase.
- The homicide rate in the U.S. remains markedly higher than in Canada at 5.8 per 100,000 people in 2022 and increased 49.4 per cent from 2014 to 2022.
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