Business
Saskatoon spent more than $300,000 to name new bus system
From the Canadian Taxpayers Federation
The city of Saskatoon paid consultants $317,757 to come up with the name and brand Link for the city’s Bus Rapid Transit system, according to documents obtained by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.
“It’s a ridiculous waste for city council to spend this much money on what is essentially an afternoon brainstorm session about names and colours,” said Gage Haubrich, CTF Prairie Director. “The city’s next slogan should be: Saskatoon, where consultants rip off taxpayers.”
In total, the city spent $317,757 hiring Entro, a design firm, to come up with the name and brand for the BRT system. The project took almost three years to complete.
Some of the specific costs include coming up with the name Link that cost the city $25,000, according to the documents. The “look and feel” of the brand cost taxpayers $40,000.
The presentation on the work highlights the name should be “more modern and playful” than the regular Saskatoon Transit branding. In total, 27 “engagement sessions” were held to determine the name.
The “look and feel” document includes a section on the results of a colour association workshop. It also recommends using bus shelter ads to advertise the new bus system. The new Link logo uses the same colours as the already existing Saskatoon Transit logo.
The total cost of the Bus Rapid Transit system is expected to be $250 million. Federal and provincial levels of government are paying $183 million. Saskatoon taxpayers will pick up the rest of the bill.
“Now, taxpayers will cringe every time they see the name that cost them hundreds of thousands of dollars,” Haubrich said. “Mayor Cynthia Block needs to make sure she won’t be wasting taxpayer dollars on projects like this.”
Business
Trump Announces Border Deal With Mexico, Sheinbaum Agrees To Close Border
From the Daily Caller News Foundation
President-elect Donald Trump announced Wednesday that Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum agreed to stop migration across the southern U.S. border.
The agreement aims to curb the flow of migrant caravans and drug trafficking into the United States. In a statement posted on Truth Social, Trump praised his conversation with Sheinbaum as “wonderful.” He said that the two leaders discussed strategies not only to stop unauthorized migration through Mexico but also to tackle the significant issue of drug smuggling into the U.S.
“She has agreed to stop Migration through Mexico, and into the United States, effectively closing our Southern Border. We also talked about what can be done to stop the massive drug inflow into the United States, and also, U.S. consumption of these drugs. It was a very productive conversation!,” Trump wrote.
Trump did not specify the strategies for addressing the drug issue. Following his announcement, the president-elect declared that the agreement would be implemented immediately.
“Mexico will stop people from going to our Southern Border, effective immediately. THIS WILL GO A LONG WAY TOWARD STOPPING THE ILLEGAL INVASION OF THE USA. Thank you!!!,” Trump said.
This agreement came after Trump threatened to impose tariffs on Mexican imports. Trump took to social media Monday to announce that he would impose a 25% tariff on all goods from Mexico and Canada starting from the first day of his administration.
He said that these tariffs would remain in place until the Mexican and Canadian governments take stronger measures to curb the flow of illegal drugs and migration into the U.S. Earlier Wednesday, Sheinbaum issued a warning of potential retaliation should Trump enact his proposed tariffs on Mexican imports.
In a letter to the president-elect, Sheinbaum said the United States needs to invest in development rather than warfare. She also said the U.S. is accountable for the proliferation of firearms within Mexican borders. Sheinbaum said her administration is responsible for the recent decline in migrant encounters along the U.S.-Mexico border.
“President Trump, migration and drug consumption in the United States cannot be addressed through threats or tariffs,” Sheinbaum wrote Tuesday to the upcoming president, according to a translation of her letter. “What is needed is cooperation and mutual understanding to tackle these significant challenges.”
Business
DOGE Theory
One of the most intriguing developments following Donald Trump’s election victory has been the announcement of Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy’s Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. The initiative, which hopes to cut up to $2 trillion from the federal budget, has generated notable excitement, momentum, and memes. The world’s richest man and a successful biotech entrepreneur, Ramaswamy, have revitalized what seemed to be a mostly dormant libertarianism, drawing on the inspiration of Milton Friedman and promising to slash the bureaucracy to the bone. But what are its prospects for real-world success?
Elon Musk is our era’s most gifted entrepreneur, having revolutionized several industries and run multiple major companies. But the private sector operates on radically different principles than the public sector, which has a way of stalling or disarming even the most determined efforts. I foresee three potential impediments to DOGE’s success.
First is the problem of authority. While President-elect Trump has dubbed the effort the “Department of Government Efficiency,” it is not a government department at all. Rather, Musk and Ramaswamy will remain in the private sector and preside over what is, in effect, a blue-ribbon committee providing recommendations to the president and to Congress about potential cuts. In practice, though, blue-ribbon committees are often where ideas go to die. Politicians who feel the need to “do something” about a given problem often establish such committees to create the perception of action, which masks their true desire or, at least, the eventual result: inaction.
DOGE’s challenge will be to translate its recommendations into policy. It is almost certain that an entrepreneur of Musk’s ambition will not be content with writing a report. His and Ramaswamy’s task, then, is to persuade the president and the director of the Office of Management and Budget to enact real (and politically risky) cuts, and, if possible, to persuade Congress to abolish entire departments, such as the Department of Education, in the face of left-wing backlash.
The second problem for Musk and Ramaswamy is public opinion. Libertarians and small-government conservatives have long promised to reduce the size of government; one reason that they have never done so is that federal programs and agencies are generally popular. All of the major federal departments, with the exception of the IRS, the Department of Education, and the Department of Justice, have net-positive favorability numbers. Congressional members, even conservative Republicans, fear that slashing these departments would expose them to savage criticism from the Left and backlash from voters. They know that Americans complain about the size of government in theory but oppose almost all spending cuts in practice—the key paradox that libertarians have been unable to resolve.
Musk and Ramaswamy have repeatedly appealed to the work of Argentinian president Javier Milei, who has dramatically reduced the number of departments and created flashy video clips of himself stripping down organizational charts and yelling, “Afuera!” But what is possible in Argentina, which has been mired in a decades-long economic crisis, may not be achievable in the United States, which is much more stable, and, consequently, may not have the appetite for such dramatic action.
Which brings us to the problem of politics. Sending a rocket into space requires mastery over physics, but cutting government departments requires mastery over a more formidable enemy: bureaucracy. As Musk and Ramaswamy will see, the relationship between would-be reformers and Congress is vastly different from that between a CEO and a board of directors. To succeed, Musk and Ramaswamy must persuade a group of politicians, each with their own interests, to assume a high level of risk.
DOGE’s first task—identifying the budget items to cut—is the easy part. The hard part will be actually cutting them. They will have to convince Congress, which, for nearly 100 years, has refused to reduce the size of government, even when that notion had bipartisan support, as it did during the presidency of Bill Clinton, who promised that “the era of big government is over.”
This does not mean that DOGE cannot succeed. Though there may not be an appetite for a $2 trillion reduction in government spending, there is a hunger for targeted cuts that would strip the federal government of hostile ideologies that have made our institutions dysfunctional and our national life worse. For example, slashing grant funding for critical race theory would likely win support from voters; cutting the budget for USDA meat inspectors would not, and, given opportunity costs, would probably prove unproductive as well.
Perhaps the name of this committee—the Department of Government Efficiency—is also slightly off the mark. The problem is not only about efficiency, which suggests quantity, but about orientation, which implies quality. The federal government has long been captured by ideologies that misdirect its efforts. Simply making the bureaucracy more efficient will not solve that problem. DOGE must first determine what federal spending is worthwhile; from there, it can focus on creating “efficiencies.”
I hope that Musk and Ramaswamy can dispel my pessimism. Political realities have stifled countless reform efforts before now, and DOGE is an enterprise that would be difficult, if not impossible, under normal circumstances. But these are two remarkably talented men; if anyone is capable of shattering the mold, they can.
Please share your ideas, dissents, and thoughts in the comments. In the next newsletter, we will feature the best material in a“comment of the week” section. In the meantime, have a wonderful Thanksgiving.
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