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Addictions

BC NDP, Conservatives’ drug policies converge in close election

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From Break The Needle 

By Alexandra Keeler

The BC NDP and Conservatives have both pledged to introduce involuntary care for addicts as they contend for voter support on unpopular issue

Gregory Sword has been advocating for British Columbia to permit involuntary care of individuals struggling with addiction ever since losing his 14-year-old daughter to an overdose two years ago.

Now, he looks likely to get his wish — regardless of which party wins the provincial election on Oct. 19.

On Sept. 15, NDP Premier David Eby announced plans to expand involuntary care for “people with addiction challenges, brain injuries, and mental-health issues.” The announcement follows a similar pledge by BC Conservative Leader John Rustad, who on Sept. 11 promised to introduce involuntary care for adults and minors.

The move suggests the BC NDP may be recalibrating its drug policies in response to polling data and competitive pressure from the BC Conservative Party, which has seen its electoral prospects bolstered by the collapse of the centre-right BC United Party.

The BC Conservatives and BC NDP are tied in the polls, at 44 and 43 per cent respectively, according to an Aug. 30 Angus Reid survey. More than two-thirds of respondents said they thought the province was on the “wrong track” in dealing with the opioid crisis. A Sept. 5 Angus Reid poll had similar findings, with 74 per cent of respondents rating the NDP’s handling of the drug crisis as “poor” or “very poor.”

‘A new phase’

B.C. saw a six per cent drop in opioid-related deaths in early 2024 compared to 2023. But the province continues to account for 32 per cent of all drug-related deaths in Canada, despite having just 13 per cent of its population.

In Sunday’s announcement, Eby referred to the introduction of involuntary care as “the beginning of a new phase of our response to the addiction crisis … We are taking action to get them the care they need to keep them safe, and in doing so, keep our communities safe, too.”

Rustad criticized the announcement, citing policy inconsistency. “For years, the NDP ignored the calls for involuntary care, leaving families helpless and those suffering on the streets,” he said in a media release.

“Now, after our party clearly outlined a plan to bring compassion and accountability to addiction treatment, Eby is suddenly pretending to be on board.”

However, Eby first proposed introducing involuntary care in August 2022 during his leadership race. The NDP’s move also partially follows a recommendation of Dr. Daniel Vigo, B.C.’s first chief scientific adviser for psychiatry, who was appointed to that role in June 2024.

Sword, who tried to get his daughter help, believes B.C.’s youth treatment framework — which currently requires minors to consent to addictions treatment — ultimately contributed to his daughter’s death.

“This is how screwed up B.C. is: If I harm my child, beat my child, get my child drugs — she can be taken away from me and get the help that she needs,” he told Canadian Affairs in August. “But if she’s doing it to herself, it’s okay.”

Bold harm-reduction measures

The “new phase” in the NDP’s response to the drug crisis reflects a shift from a prior focus on bold harm-reduction measures — some of which have been followed by reversals.

Since taking office in 2017, the NDP has doubled the number of supervised consumption sites in B.C., from three to six (five are currently operational). And it has expanded the number of overdose prevention sites — which generally offer fewer services than supervised consumption sites — from 20 to 44.

In 2020, the NDP government introduced prescribed alternative supply programs — previously known as “safer supply” — which enable users to receive prescribed opioids as an alternative to illicit street drugs.

In January 2023, the province began a three-year, trial decriminalization project that permitted British Columbians to possess small amounts of otherwise illicit drugs such as heroin, fentanyl, and methamphetamine. B.C. was the first — and so far only — province to decriminalize hard drugs.

But in April, the province partially reversed course, obtaining Ottawa’s approval to recriminalize the use of hard drugs in public spaces.

In October 2023, Provincial Health Officer Dr. Bonnie Henry ordered that vending machines be installed outside hospital emergency departments on Vancouver Island to dispense free drug consumption supplies. On Sept. 12, Eby ordered a review of this initiative, leading to a suspension of the machines until the review is complete.

The BC NDP party did not respond to multiple requests for comment for this story by press time.

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Conservative alternatives

The BC Conservatives have positioned themselves as champions of “common sense” solutions to the drug crisis. In response to requests for comment for this story, the BC Conservatives referred Canadian Affairs to its Sept. 15 media release.

Rustad has said that safe supply programs and decriminalization have been policy failures. The party’s platform pledges to “end heroin hand-outs” and to “reverse decriminalization of hard drugs.” Rustad has also criticized harm-reduction vending machines, accusing Eby of “encouraging the proliferation of hard drug use across the province.”

“I know that they [BC Conservatives] are very much on board for more recovery models versus drug decriminalization,” said William Yoachim, a Nanaimo city council member and member of the Snuneymuxw First Nation. Yoachim says he is cautiously optimistic there could be a significant policy change under a new government.

“My only concern with what a Conservative government’s approach would be is their leader. I’m not sure how committed he would be towards the Indigenous recovery.”

The BC Conservatives have said they would develop a new public health strategy focused on addressing “the root causes of drug addiction that prioritizes treatment and not free drugs.”

They have also proposed stricter penalties for drug smuggling and enhanced border security.

Before suspending its electoral campaign, the BC United Party had pledged to introduce free, accessible mental health and addiction services and longer treatment stays. It had also advocated for people with lived experience of addiction, homelessness and mental illness to be involved in designing recovery-oriented housing.

It remains unclear whether the BC Conservatives — which now includes some former BC United candidates — will adopt any of these policies.

Sarah Blyth, a frontline harm-reduction worker with the Vancouver Overdose Prevention Society, says she is frustrated by how polarizing the issue of drug policy has become.

“People are becoming really dogmatic on either side of it,” she said. “We should be looking at each other to see what unique, creative approaches we’re taking … and figure out what’s working where, and do our best.”

Blyth says she plans to keep her head down through this election. “Let them fight it out.”

“Let this be over, and then let’s get back to work.”


This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.

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Addictions

BC Addictions Expert Questions Ties Between Safer Supply Advocates and For-Profit Companies

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By Liam Hunt

Canada’s safer supply programs are “selling people down the river,” says a leading medical expert in British Columbia. Dr. Julian Somers, director of the Centre for Applied Research in Mental Health and Addiction at Simon Fraser University, says that despite the thin evidence in support of these experimental programs, the BC government has aggressively expanded them—and retaliated against dissenting researchers.

Somers also, controversially, raises questions about doctors and former health officials who appear to have gravitated toward businesses involved in these programs. He notes that these connections warrant closer scrutiny to ensure public policies remain free from undue industry influence.

Safer supply programs claim to reduce overdoses and deaths by distributing free addictive drugs—typically 8-milligram tablets of hydromorphone, an opioid as potent as heroin—to dissuade addicts from accessing riskier street substances. Yet, a growing number of doctors say these programs are deeply misguided—and widely defrauded.

Ultimately, Somers argues, safer supply is exacerbating the country’s addiction crisis.

Somers opposed safer supply at its inception and openly criticized its nationwide expansion in 2020. He believes these programs perpetuate drug use and societal disconnection and fail to encourage users to make the mental and social changes needed to beat addiction. Worse yet, the safer supply movement seems rife with double standards that devalue the lives of poorer drug users. While working professionals are provided generous supports that prioritize recovery, disadvantaged Canadians are given “ineffective yet profitable” interventions, such as safer supply, that “convey no expectation that stopping substance use or overcoming addiction is a desirable or important goal.”

To better understand addiction, Somers created the Inter-Ministry Evaluation Database (IMED) in 2004, which, for the first time in BC’s history, connected disparate information—i.e. hospitalizations, incarceration rates—about vulnerable populations.

Throughout its existence, health experts used IMED’s data to create dozens of research projects and papers. It allowed Somers to conduct a multi-million-dollar randomized control trial (the “Vancouver at Home” study) that showed that scattering vulnerable people into regular apartments throughout the city, rather than warehousing them in a few buildings, leads to better outcomes at no additional cost.

In early 2021, Somers presented recommendations drawn from his analysis of the IMED to several leading officials in the B.C. government. He says that these officials gave a frosty reception to his ideas, which prioritized employment, rehabilitation, and social integration over easy access to drugs. Shortly afterwards, the government ordered him to immediately and permanently delete the IMED’s ministerial data.

Somers describes the order as a “devastating act of retaliation” and says that losing access to the IMED effectively ended his career as a researcher. “My lab can no longer do the research we were doing,” he noted, adding that public funding now goes exclusively toward projects sympathetic to safer supply. The B.C. government has since denied that its order was politically motivated.

In early 2022, the government of Alberta commissioned a team of researchers, led by Somers, to investigate the evidence base behind safer supply. They found that there was no empirical proof that the experiment works, and that harm reduction researchers often advocated for safer supply within their studies even if their data did not support such recommendations.

Somers says that, after these findings were published, his team was subjected to a smear campaign that was partially organized by the British Columbia Centre on Substance Use (BCCSU), a powerful pro-safer supply research organization with close ties to the B.C. government. The BCCSU has been instrumental in the expansion of safer supply and has produced studies and protocols in support of it, sometimes at the behest of the provincial government.

Somers is also concerned about the connections between some of safer supply’s key proponents and for-profit drug companies.

He notes that the BCCSU’s founding executive director, Dr. Evan Wood, became Chief Medical Officer at Numinus Wellness, a publicly traded psychedelic company, in 2020. Similarly, Dr. Perry Kendall, who also served as a BCCSU executive director, went on to found Fair Price Pharma, a now-defunct for-profit company that specializes in providing pharmaceutical heroin to high-risk drug users, the following year.

While these connections are not necessarily unethical, they do raise important questions about whether there is enough industry regulation to minimize potential conflicts of interest, whether they be real or perceived.

The BCCSU was also recently criticized in an editorial by Canadian Affairs, which noted that the organization had received funding from companies such as Shoppers Drug Mart and Tilray (a cannabis company). The editorial argued that influential addiction research organizations should not receive drug industry funding and reported that Alberta founded its own counterpart to the BCCSU in August, known as the Canadian Centre of Recovery Excellence, which is legally prohibited from accepting such sponsorships.

Already, private interests are betting on the likely expansion of safer supply programs. For instance, Safe Supply Streaming Co., a publicly traded venture capital firm, has advertised to potential investors that B.C.’s safer supply system could create a multi-billion-dollar annual market.

Somers believes that Canada needs more transparency regarding how for-profit companies may be directly or indirectly influencing policy makers: “We need to know exactly, to the dollar, how much of [harm reduction researchers’] operating budget is flowing from industry sources.”

Editor’s note: This story is published in syndication with Break The Needle and Western Standard.

The Bureau is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Dr. Julian M. Somers is director of the Centre for Applied Research in Mental Health and Addiction at Simon Fraser University. He was Director of the UBC Psychology Clinic, and past president of the BC Psychological Association. Liam Hunt is a contributing author to the Centre For Responsible Drug Policy in partnership with the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.

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Addictions

Ottawa “safer supply” clinic criticized by distraught mother

Published on

By Alexandra Keeler

An Ottawa mother, who lost her daughter to addiction, is frustrated by Recovery Care’s failure to help her opioid-addicted son

Masha Krupp has already lost one child to an overdose and fears she could lose another.

In 2020, her 47-year-old daughter Larisa died from methadone toxicity just 12 days into an opioid addiction treatment program. The program is run by Recovery Care, an Ottawa-based harm reduction clinic with five locations across the city, which aims to stabilize drug users and eventually wean them off more potent drugs.

Krupp says she is skeptical about the effectiveness of the support and counseling services that Recovery Care claims to provide and believes the clinic was negligent in her daughter’s case.

On Oct. 22, the Ottawa mother testified before the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health, which is studying Canada’s opioid epidemic.

In her testimony, Krupp said her daughter was prescribed 30mg of methadone — 50 per cent more than the recommended induction dose — and was not given an opiate tolerance test before starting the program. Larisa received treatment at the Bells Corners Recovery Care location.

Krupp’s 30-year-old son, whom Canadian Affairs agreed not to name, has been a patient at Recovery Care’s ByWard Market location since 2021, where he receives a combination of methadone and hydromorphone, another prescription drug administered through the treatment program.

“Three years later, my son is still using fentanyl, crack cocaine and methadone, despite being with Dr. [Charles] Breau and with Recovery Care for over three years,” Krupp testified.

“About four weeks ago, I had to call 9-1-1 because he was overdosing,” Krupp told Canadian Affairs in an interview. “This is on the safer supply program … three years in, I should not be calling 9-1-1.”

Open diversion

Founded in 2018, Recovery Care is a partner in the Safer Supply Ottawa initiative. The initiative, which is led by Ottawa Public Health and managed by the nonprofit Pathways to Recovery, provides prescription pharmaceutical opioids to individuals who are at high risk of overdose.

Pathways to Recovery works with a network of service providers throughout the city — including Recovery Care — to administer safer supply.

Krupp says she supports the concept of safer supply, but believes it needs to be administered differently.

“You can’t give addicts 28 pills and say ‘Oh here you go,’” she said in her testimony. “They sell for three dollars a pop on the street,” she said, referring to the practice of some individuals selling their prescribed medications to fund purchases of more intense street drugs like heroin and fentanyl.

Krupp says she sees her son — and other patients of the program — openly divert their prescribed medications outside of the Recovery Care clinic in ByWard Market, where she parks to wait for him.

“[B]ecause there’s no treatment attached to [my son’s safer supply], it’s just the doctor gives him all these pills, he diverts them, gets the drugs he needs, and he’s still an addict,” Krupp said in her testimony.

Donna Sarrazin, chief executive of Recovery Care, told Canadian Affairs that Recovery Care has measures to address diversion, including security cameras and onsite security staff.

“Patients are educated at intake and ongoing that diversion is not permitted and that they could be removed from the program,” she said in an emailed statement.

“Recovery Care works to understand diversion and has continued to progress programs and actions to address the issues. Concerns expressed by the community and our teams are taken seriously,” she said.

Krupp says she has communicated her concerns about her son reselling his prescribed medications to his doctor, Dr. Charles Breau, both in-person and through faxed letters. “I never hear back from the doctor. Never,” she said.

Krupp also said in her testimony that police have spoken to her son about his diversion.

Breau did not respond to inquiries made to his clinical teams at Recovery Care or Montfort Hospital, a teaching hospital affiliated with the University of Ottawa.

Sarrazin said Breau is not able to comment on patient or family care.

In Krupp’s view, the safer supply program would be more successful if drug users were required to take prescribed medications under supervision.

“If he was receiving his hydromorphone under witnessed dosage and there was a treatment plan attached to it, I believe it would be successful,” she said.

Dr. Eileen de Villa, the City of Toronto’s medical officer of health, reinforced this point at the Oct. 22 Health Committee meeting. She said Toronto Public Health’s injectable opioid agonist therapy program — which combines observed administration with a treatment plan — has seen “incredible results.”

De Villa shared a case of a pregnant client who entered the program. “She went on to have a successful pregnancy, a healthy baby, has actually successfully completed the treatment, and is now housed and has even gained custody of her other children,” she said.

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‘An affront to me’

Krupp also says Recovery Care fails to deliver on its promise of supporting patients’ mental health needs. Recovery Care’s website says its clinics offer “mental health programs which are essential to every treatment plan.”

Krupp and her son’s father have both requested a clear treatment plan and consistent counselling for their son. But he was started on safer supply after participating in only one virtual counselling session, she says.

She says Recovery Care has only one mental health counselor who services four of Recovery Care’s clinics. “If you’re getting $2-million-plus a year in funding, you should be able to staff each clinic with one on-site counselor five days a week,” she said.

Instead of personalized assistance, her son received “a sheaf of photocopies” offering generic services like Narcotics Anonymous and crisis helplines. “It’s almost an affront to me, as a taxpayer and a mother of an addict,” Krupp said.

Krupp says that, following her testimony to the parliamentary committee, Breau reached out to offer her son a mental health counseling session for the first time.

Sarrazin told Canadian Affairs that patients are encouraged to request counseling at any time. “Currently there is no wait list and appointments can be booked within 1 week,” she said in her emailed statement.

Class actions

Today, Krupp is considering launching a class-action lawsuit against Health Canada and the Government of Canada, challenging both the enactment of safer supply and the loosening of methadone dispensing requirements in 2017. She believes these changes contributed to her daughter’s death in 2020.

She is also considering joining an existing class-action lawsuit in B.C., which alleges Health Canada failed to monitor the distribution of drugs provided through safer supply programs.

The Pathways to Recovery initiative received $9.69-million in funding from Health Canada from July 2020 to March 2025. In June 2023, Health Canada allocated an additional $1.9 million to expand Ottawa’s safer supply program across five sites and improve access to practitioners, mental health support, housing and other services.

“I want to see that money being put to a recovery based treatment, not simply people going in and out and getting their medications and just creating this new sub-layer of addicts,” Krupp said.


This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.

Subscribe for free to get BTN’s latest news and analysis, or donate to our journalism fund.

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