Business
‘Controligarchs’ lays bare a nightmare society the globalist elites have in store for humanity
From LifeSiteNews
Journalist Seamus Bruner has published new details on globalist plans to dominate every aspect of our lives, including our food, movement, and transactions
A newly released book gives a fresh, well-documented look into the nightmarish, dystopian society that billionaire globalists are shaping for humanity, in which our every movement and transaction will be tracked, our food will be restricted, and our perception of reality will be heavily manipulated.
Controligarchs: Exposing the Billionaire Class, their Secret Deals, and the Globalist Plot to Dominate Your Life is a thoroughly researched book by investigative journalist Seamus Bruner detailing the global game plan of what he refers to as a new class of oligarchs. They are distinguished from ultra-wealthy elites of the past by the unprecedented level of control they can exercise over the masses through technology, not just over one nation, but over the whole world.
Bruner shows how the globalist elites plan to impose a new kind of serfdom by controlling nearly every facet of our lives, with different billionaires specializing in different areas, beginning with what is most personal to us — our bodies.
After giving a bird’s eye view of the globalists’ plans through the lens of the Great Reset, Bruner dives into each of the globalists’ main levers of power over society, which exert control, respectively, over what goes into our bodies; over home energy use and transportation; over local politics and law enforcement; and over information access and perception.
The journalist first shows how Bill Gates, who already exercises massive sway over world health policy through the World Health Organization (WHO) and investments in vaccines, is also heavily investing in a root source of health: the food supply.
Bruner explains in his book that the “takeover of the food” is accomplished by “controlling the intellectual property of food production through trademarks, copyrights, and patents.” This has already been seen in Gates’ funding and control of seed patents, and in his push for patented synthetic fertilizers, discussed by Bruner, which have caused considerable damage to health and small farms around the world.
The next phase of Gates’ food power grab, which has already begun, involves tighter control over farming through land and water grabs, as well as a push to replace meat consumption with that of synthetic and bug protein.
Bruner emphasizes in his book the importance of control over the water supply, writing, according to the New York Post, “When Gates buys tens of thousands of acres, he is not just buying the land — he is also buying the rights to water below ground. In addition to farms (and the irrigation) and fertilizer, Gates has been hunting for sizable interests in water and water treatment — a crucial component when seeking to control the agricultural industry.”
The journalist also examines how Gates and the “tech oligarchs” are pushing meat alternatives, ostensibly for the sake of the climate.
“I was horrified to learn about the lab-grown hamburgers, fermented fungi protein patties, and even insect-based protein shakes they are hoping the public will consume,” wrote Peter Schweizer, president of the Government Accountability Institute (GAI) and senior editor-at-large of Breitbart News, in his foreword to the book.
Gates has invested millions in companies like Beyond Meat and Impossible Foods, which have already received more than two dozen patents for their synthetic meat and dairy products, and have more than 100 patents pending, according to Bruner. The alternatives aren’t popular now, but about two-thirds of Americans are reportedly willing to try it.
Breitbart reports that Controligarchs also documents the efforts of Mark Zuckerberg to make the Metaverse, a virtual reality platform linked to the internet and operated by Zuckerberg’s Meta Platforms, Inc. (formerly Facebook), “the most addictive product in history.”
Meta and three of its subsidiaries have already been sued by the attorneys general of dozens of U.S. states for having “knowingly designed and deployed harmful features on Instagram and Facebook to purposefully addict children and teens.”
In comparison, the Metaverse, which has been described by the World Economic Forum’s Cathy Li as a kind of virtual world that will “become an extension of reality itself,” and which is designed to feel real with the help of virtual reality (VR) headsets and sensors, has the potential to become far more addictive than mere social media.
While it is still in the process of being developed, progress is steadily being made toward its widespread use. For example, last Thursday, Meta announced a new strategic partnership with China’s Tencent to make VR headsets cheaper and more accessible, according to Breitbart.
And this summer, Apple announced that it would release its own set of augmented reality glasses, called Apple Vision Pro, next year in the U.S.
The plans for the Metaverse get wilder — and for some, creepier. Meta AI researchers are working on a synthetic “skin” “that’s as easy to replace as a bandage,” called ReSkin, as well as “haptic gloves,” so that Metaverse users can “literally feel and grasp the metaverse.”
If it indeed becomes commonplace, as is planned, the Metaverse has enormous implications for society. Perhaps the most serious is that, as John Horvat II has observed, people will feel free to carry out “every fantasy, even the most macabre,” and perceive that they can do things to others “without consequences.”
“Such a lonely world disconnected from reality and the nature of things can feed the unfettered passions that hate all moral restraint. A space like this can quickly go from Alice in Wonderland to insane asylum,” Horvat noted.
Activities performed “in” the Metaverse would also be monitored by the platform’s administrators, drastically diminishing privacy for all Metaverse users.
The assimilation of everyday activities into the World Wide Web via the Metaverse also raises the question of whether any speech performed while “plugged in” to the Metaverse can be regulated by its administrators. Such unprecedented regulatory power would resemble that of a global government, which is an explicit goal of the World Economic Forum, a major supporter of the Metaverse.
The Metaverse may very well be a consolation prize for the restriction of real-life movement and activity, which is planned for all human beings regardless of their participation in the virtual world, according to Bruner.
Bruner shows that the globalists envision a world in which “your every movement” is “tracked and traced by electric vehicles and a smart power grid,” according to Schweizer, with which your thermostat can be turned off without your consent.
In fact, Bruner unveils a $1.2 billion plan by Jeff Bezos to “spy” on citizens using their “smart” homes, which have already been launched by Amazon.
Worse, all “transactions and affiliations” are to be “linked to digital currencies and IDs,” notes Schweizer, plans that have been in the works for years by global bodies such as the European Union (EU) and WHO, as well as nations worldwide.
Most recently, the Group of 20 (G20) — the 19 most influential countries on earth plus the European Union — has endorsed proposals to explore development of a “digital public infrastructure,” including digital identification systems and potentially a centralized digital currency.
Bruner’s description of the globalist plan for our lives is not speculation by any stretch but is based on thorough documentation, including financial filings, corporate records, and admissions from the very globalists themselves. This makes his book a valuable tool not only for those already acquainted with the Great Reset and its accompanying tyranny but for skeptics.
Bruner has advised, “jealously guard your wallet,” “jealously guard your personal data, especially that of your kids,” and “talk to your legislators and Congressmen and tell them to ban your taxpayer money from funding these initiatives.”
From Resource Works
By Geoff Russ
For major projects, what is old is new again
Prime Minister Mark Carney’s second wave of “nation-building projects” sounds transformative: six new energy and mining proposals, plus a northern corridor, added to the first tranche unveiled in September, and included in the freshly passed federal budget for the fiscal year.
Together, Ottawa says, they amount to more than $116 billion in investment and are central to “realizing Canada’s full potential as an energy superpower.” That is the pitch in the federal news release.
Look closely, though, and a different picture emerges. For major projects, what is old is new again. Almost every file now being “fast-tracked” was already on the books, sometimes for a decade or more.
The new referrals to the Major Projects Office (MPO) are all familiar: the Nisga’a-led Ksi Lisims LNG terminal on B.C.’s north coast; BC Hydro’s North Coast Transmission Line; Canada Nickel’s Crawford project near Timmins; Nouveau Monde Graphite’s Matawinie mine north of Montréal; Northcliff’s Sisson tungsten project in New Brunswick; and the Inuit-owned Iqaluit Nukkiksautiit hydro project in Nunavut. The “Northwest Critical Conservation Corridor” in B.C. and the Yukon is added as a long-range concept.
Long timelines and longstanding obstacles
None of these is a fresh idea. As the Globe and Mail notes in a project-by-project rundown, Ksi Lisims has been in development for years and already faces two Federal Court challenges from nearby First Nations and opposition from Wet’suwet’en hereditary leaders who fought Coastal GasLink. The North Coast Transmission Line was identified in 2023, with B.C. legislation to fast-track it and term-sheet co-ownership deals with First Nations already in place. The Sisson mine has been stalled at the pre-construction stage for more than a decade, despite earlier approvals and new public money to update its feasibility study.
Iqaluit hydro is hardly a novelty either. As Globe reporting shows, dam concepts near the city have been studied since the mid-2000s, with the current Inuit-owned proposal building on that earlier work and backed by federal engineering funds. The Crawford nickel project was acquired in 2019 and has spent years lining up investors and a complex financing stack, documented in both CBC and Financial Post coverage. Matawinie received its Quebec authorization in 2021, has an impact-benefit agreement with the local Atikamekw Nation and now enjoys federal price-floor guarantees on graphite.
The first tranche, announced in September, follows the same pattern. LNG Canada Phase 2 in Kitimat, new nuclear at Darlington, Contrecoeur container capacity at the Port of Montréal, McIlvenna Bay in Saskatchewan and the Red Chris expansion in B.C. were all in various stages of planning long before Carney entered office. The MPO is not inventing a new project pipeline; it is trying to accelerate the one Ottawa already had.
Acceleration is the point — and industry welcomes it
Acceleration is, to be fair, the point. The Calgary-based MPO, led by former Trans Mountain head Dawn Farrell, is designed to run permits in parallel, not one after another, and to coordinate financing through bodies like the Canada Infrastructure Bank and Canada Growth Fund. Farrell told CBC that work which might have taken “five or six more years” could be cut to roughly two. In a country where large projects regularly die of regulatory exhaustion, that is significant.
Industry likes the signal. Canada Nickel CEO Mark Selby says MPO referral “puts us in the fast lane,” even without the more controversial “national interest” label in Bill C-5 that would allow cabinet to set aside parts of the Fisheries Act, Species at Risk Act or Impact Assessment Act. Inuit proponents of the Iqaluit project welcome Carney’s description of their hydro plan as a breakthrough for Arctic sovereignty, replacing millions of litres of diesel.
But a superpower strategy this is not
Still, if this is what becoming an “energy superpower” looks like, it is a modest start.
Notably absent from Carney’s list is any new oil pipeline. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has spent months pushing a concept for a bitumen pipeline from the oil sands to the northern B.C. coast, doing provincial groundwork in the hope a private proponent will one day take it over. A BBC report sets out the feud with B.C. Premier David Eby, who dismisses the idea as “fictional” and “political” and insists no company wants it, accusing Smith of jeopardizing B.C.’s LNG ambitions. Smith has called that stance “un-Canadian.”
Western frustration is growing. In the National Post, Whitecap Resources chief executive Grant Fagerheim warns of “fury from Alberta and Saskatchewan” if a pipeline to tidewater is never prioritized and argues producers are tired of a U.S.-dominated system where Canadian barrels sell at a discount while others capture the margins. He favours an energy corridor carrying oil, gas, power and rail, not just more rhetoric about nation-building.
Northern ambitions lag behind rhetoric
Another gap is the North. The Indigenous-led Arctic Gateway partnership, Manitoba and Ottawa are already spending heavily on the Hudson Bay Railway and planning new storage and loading systems to expand the Port of Churchill for grain, potash, critical minerals and Arctic resupply. Carney talks up a “huge host of opportunities” in northern Manitoba, but Churchill sits only on the MPO’s lower-profile “transformative strategies” list, with a full plan now pushed out to 2026.
Meanwhile, the one project that has fundamentally shifted Canada’s oil export position is the long-delayed Trans Mountain expansion. As Resource Works points out, TMX now sends diluted bitumen from Burnaby to Asia, shrinking the old “captive discount” and giving Canada genuine leverage in global markets. But TMX predates Carney’s government by more than a decade and only exists because Ottawa nationalized a struggling private pipeline to get it built.
Evolution, not revolution
Carney’s major-projects push is real, and for the companies involved, the prospect of faster permits and clearer federal backing is very good news. Yet for a government that talks about mobilizing a trillion dollars and remaking Canada as an energy superpower, the current list is evolutionary rather than revolutionary. For now, Ottawa is mostly trying to build what was already on the drawing board. The tougher choices on pipelines, ports and interprovincial trade still lie in front of it.
Headline photo credit to THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld
From the Fraser Institute
By Jason Childs
From 2015 to 2024, the government sector in Canada—including federal, provincial and municipal—added 950,000 jobs, which accounted for roughly 30 per cent of total employment growth in the country, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think-tank.
“In Canada, employment in the government sector has skyrocketed over the last 10 years,” said Jason Childs, a professor of economics at the University of Regina, senior fellow at the Fraser Institute and author of Examining the Growth of Public-Sector Employment Since 2015.
Over the same 10-year period (2015-2024), government-sector employment grew at an annual average rate of 2.7 per cent compared to only 1.7 per cent for the private sector. The study also examines employment growth by province. Government employment (federal, provincial, municipal) grew at a higher annual rate than the private sector in every province except Manitoba over the 10-year period.
The largest gaps between government-sector employment growth compared to the private sector were in Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick, Quebec and British Columbia. The smallest gaps were in Alberta and Prince Edward Island.
“The larger government’s share of employment, the greater the ultimate burden on taxpayers to support government workers—government does not pay for itself,” Childs said.
A related study (Measuring the Cost to Canadians from the Growth in Public Administration, also authored by Childs) finds that, from 2015 to 2024, across all levels of government in Canada, the number of public administrators (many of who
work in government ministries, agencies and other offices that do not directly provide services to the public) grew by more than 328,000—or 3.5 per cent annually (on average).
“If governments want to reduce costs, they should look closely at the size of their public administration,” Childs said.
Examining the Growth of Public Sector Employment Since 2015
Jason Childs
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